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Presented to the 

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO 
LIBRARY 

by the 

ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE 
LIBRARY 



-I DISCARDED 






LIBRARY, 
DEC 9 1895 




M AD O C 



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MADOC 



AN ESSAY ON THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY 

MADOC AP OWEN GWYNEDD IN THE 

TWELFTH CENTURY 




BY 



THOMAS STEPHENS 



AUTHOR OF ' THE LITERATUBE OF THE KYMBY ' 



Edited by LLYWARCH REYNOLDS, B.A. (Oxen.) 




LONDON 
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST 16 th STREET 
1893 

All rights referred 



/l l 





EDITOR'S PEE FACE. 



THE QUESTION discussed in the following pages has per- 
sistently engaged the attention of the Welsh people from 
time to time during the last three hundred years, and it 
might well be supposed that the last word had long since 
been spoken upon this subject. But that this is not so, and 
that the topic is possessed of a perennial charm for the Cymric 
race, is shown by the continually recurring discussions thereof, 
in the native press and elsewhere, even in our own day ; and 
the alleged discovery of America by Prince Madoc ab Owain 
Gwynedd in the twelfth century is still, by a certain class of 
minds, accepted as an article of faith, and its truth as 
implicitly believed as when first enunciated by Humphrey 
Llwyd in the sixteenth century. The tercentenary cele- 
brations in the past year in honour of Columbus, and the 
forthcoming Eisteddfod to be held at Chicago in the present 
summer, have combined to revive the interest felt in the 
Madoc story, which has induced the representatives of the 
late Mr. Thomas Stephens to yield to the oft-repeated solici- 
tations of many of his fellow-countrymen, and to give the 
following work to the world. 

This essay was written for competition at the celebrated 
Llangollen Eisteddfod, held on September 21, 1858, and three 



VI MADOC. 

following days. The subject for competition was announced 
in these terms : ' For the best essay upon the discovery of 
America in the twelfth century by Prince Madoc ab Owain 
Gwynedd, prize 201. and a silver star'; and the following 
well-known Welsh literati were appointed to adjudicate upon 
this contest: the Eev. Thomas James ('Llallawg') and 
' Myvyr Morganwg,' both since deceased ; and the veteran 
Welsh lexicographer, the Rev. D. Silvan Evans, B.D., who 
still happily survives to serve the cause of Welsh literature. 

Six essays were sent in for competition, five of which 
took the affirmative view, and assumed the truth of the Welsh 
tradition. Of these the only one which need be mentioned 
here was that bearing the nom-de-guerre of ' Wild Man of the 
Woods.' In the remaining essay, under the assumed name 
of ' Gwrnerth Ergydlym,' the writer, Mr. Thomas Stephens, 
the lamented author of The Literature of the Kymry,' after 
presenting an almost exhaustive summary of the literature of 
the subject, and marshalling all the evidence usually cited 
for and against the Cambrian story, subjected them to a rigid 
criticism, and finally adopted the negative view, and declared 
himself a disbeliever in the tale 

' How Madoc from the shores of Britain spread 
The adventurous sail.' 

That essay is now for the first time submitted to the public in 
the following pages. 

The action of the Eisteddfod committee in reference to 
this competition created great commotion at the time, and 
roused the indignation of all fair-minded Welshmen ; and it 
may not, therefore, be considered out of place to give a short 
summary of the facts, taken from the journals of that day, and 



EDITORS PREFACE. vii 

from authentic documents still extant ; and to stigmatise as 
it deserves conduct calculated to tarnish the fair fame of our 
national institution, the Eisteddfod, and rivalling in turpitude 
the disgraceful treatment accorded to ' Dewi Wyn o Eifion ' 
and his ' Awdl Elusengarwch ' in a previous generation. 

Having become aware of the existence of the negative 
essay, the committee decided that the essay in question, 
being an essay not on the discovery but on the non-discovery 
of America by Madoc, was not upon the given subject, and 
must therefore be excluded from the competition. This un- 
warrantable interference with, and usurpation of the functions 
of, the judges was warmly resented by those gentlemen ; and 
' Llallawg ' promptly resigned his office and declined to ad- 
judicate. Mr. Silvan Evans forwarded to the secretaries, the 
day before the Eisteddfod, his award, which was in the follow- 
ing terms : 

To the Secretaries of the Llangollen Eisteddfod. 

GENTLEMEN, I have read the essays on 'the Discovery of 
America by Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd in the twelfth century ' 
with as much care and attention as the circumstances would per- 
mit ; and the impression which the perusal of them has left on my 
mind is that the existence of the so-called Welsh Indians has not 
yet been fully established that Madoc's alleged discovery of the 
American continent rests upon bare conjecture, and that it is still 
an open question whether he ever left his native shores. If these 
essays may be considered as exhausting the subject to which they 
refer, I can draw no other inference from their contents than 
that these points cannot, with our present stock of knowledge, 
be proved to the satisfaction of any unbiassed mind. All the 
competitors, with one exception, adopt the affirmative side of the 
question, and defend it with greater or less ability ; but 'Gwrnerth 
Ergydlym,' by far the ablest toriter, takes the opposite side. He 



Vlll MADOC. 

examines the subject fully and candidly, and displays throughout 
a deep acquaintance with it, and no small amount of critical 
sagacity ; and I cannot but regret that the promoters of the 
Eisteddfod should have deemed it their duty to exclude his 
masterly essay from competition simply because the author arrives 
at a different conclusion from that of the others. 

As all the essays which assume the truth of Madoc's dis- 
covery, whether we take them singly or collectively, appear to 
me to fall far short of establishing the points which their respec- 
tive writers have undertaken to prove, and as no other view of 
the subject is to be entertained, I hope I may be excused from 
pronouncing any opinion as to the comparative merits of these 
productions. 

I remain, Gentlemen, 

Your faithful servant, 

(Signed) D. SILVAN EVANS. 
Llangian, Pwllheli : 
Sept. 20, 1858. 

This communication was carefully suppressed, and no 
mention was made of it at the Eisteddfod. The Rev. Mr. 
Silvan Evans was, in consequence of severe domestic afflic- 
tion, unable to be present at the Eisteddfod ; and the other 
adjudicator, ' Myvyr Morganwg,' who was present, and who 
had written an adjudication, was not called upon to read 
it. When this part of the programme was reached, the Rev. 
R. W. Morgan, one of the conductors of the Eisteddfod, 
instead of stating the facts as they were, announced that ' of 
the essays sent in, one was not on the subject ; and of the 
others the judges could not decide which was the best ; con- 
sequently, there would be no award.' The following account 
of the scene which ensued is reproduced from a contemporary 
newspaper report of the proceedings : 



EDITORS PREFACE. IX 

Mr. T. Stephens then stepped on the platform and claimed 
permission to say a few words in reference to the announcement 
made by Mr. Morgan ; but the chairman and ' Carn Ingli ' begged 
he would refrain from doing so, and Mr. Morgan ordered the 
band to play up in order to drown the voice of the speaker but 
the audience claimed a hearing for him, urged by Mr. Francis of 
Manchester, who said it would be a burning shame to refuse a 
hearing to a man of Mr. Stephens's literary reputation. The 
chairman yielded, and Mr. Stephens then came forward. He 
had risen, he said, to protest against the terms of Mr. Morgan's 
announcement. He had said that one essay was not on the 
subject. This was not correct. The essay was strictly to the 
point, and he would not hesitate to announce that the essay 
pointed at was that of ' Gwrnerth Ergydlym,' of which he was the 
author. The real objection was that the conclusion arrived at 
was at variance with the preconceptions of the committee ; and 
if they had manfully announced the fact, he would have made no 
remonstrance ; but they had now thrown dust in the eyes of the 
assembly, and committed an unfairness to him (hear, hear) . . . 
He had, of course, seen that the committee held the affirmative 
view ; but he had before denied, and continued to deny, that an 
Eisteddfod was to be an arena for special pleading, but rather 
for the promulgation of the truth ; and he protested that no 
committee had any right to look upon their prizes as fees for the 
advocacy of one-sided views of disputed questions (hear, hear). 
The Madoc business had been under discussion for fifty years ; 
and it was therefore not to be wondered at if the competitors took 
different sides. For his own part he treated it as an open question ; 
and as the committee gave great prominence to the motto ' Y gwir 
yn erbyn y byd,' he was led to conclude that there was to be full 
liberty of discussion, and that their object was to arrive at the 
truth (hear, hear). In that spirit he had written. . . . He said 
he was supported in his views by several of the ablest historical 
critics in Wales ; by the late Mr. Humffreys Parry, the Rev. 
Thomas Price (' Carnhuanawc '), and the Rev. Walter Davies 
(' Gwallter Mechain '). His ambition, he said, was to be the inter- 



X MADOC. 

preter of the claims of the language and literature of the Princi- 
pality to neighbouring and continental nations ; he had hitherto 
done so to the best of his ability, and had the satisfaction to find 
that he was considered to be an honest exponent of well-founded 
claims ; and he would still continue to urge strongly and persis- 
tently every merit honestly pertaining to the history and national 
character of the Kymry (hear, hear) ; but he thought it lowered 
them as a people to be arguing claims which they could not prove, 
and that they were only clouding their own reputation in attempt- 
ing to deprive Christopher Columbus of the fame to which he was 
justly entitled (hear, hear). He, for one, would be content with 
simple truthfulness ; he would never be a jackdaw decked out 
with borrowed feathers, but would be content with his own 
plumage, brilliant or plain as that might be (hear, hear). He 
then concluded by entering his protest against the announcement 
made by Mr. Morgan as being that of the committee and not of 
the judges, as being in itself untrue, and as being at variance 
with what, he knew from private information to be the opinion of 
the adjudicators (applause). 

' Cam Ingli ' (the Rev. J. Hughes, one of the secretaries of the 
Eisteddfod the other being the Rev. John Williams, ' Ab Ithel ') 
then replied that Mr. Stephens was under a misapprehension. 
The announcement was not intended to be final ; and he gave a 
pledge to have the decision reconsidered. 

Mr. Stephens said there was no reservation in the first 
announcement ; but since they had promised to reconsider the 
subject, he would, pending that decision, withdraw his pro- 
test. 

The action of the committee in this matter was loudly 
and almost universally condemned, as appears from the 
heated correspondence which followed in the Welsh and other 
newspapers of the day, notably the ' Herald Cymraeg ' ' Ab 
Ithel,' who took upon himself their defence, relying upon the 
quibble that in their prospectus the committee had ' claimed 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. xi 

to themselves the right of deciding on all subjects of contro- 
versy that might arise, and that their decision in such cases 
should be considered final,' and stating that the adjudi- 
cators had not made any award. He professed to treat the 
letter of Mr. Silvan Evans as being an informal document, 
and not amounting to an adjudication ; but. no such objection 
was made to that gentleman's equally ' informal ' adjudication 
in the case of the essay on Barddas (Bardism) and the 
collection of Welsh Proverbs, the successful competitors 
on those subjects being respectively ' Ab Ithel ' and his 
daughter. 

It is right to mention that ' Cam Ingli ' disapproved of his 
colleagues' action, and admitted (to use his own words) ' that 
the duty of the committee was merely ministerial, and not 
judicial ; and that it was his desire that an award be made.' 
Mr. Silvan Evans subsequently wrote a formal adjudication, 
which was published in the ' Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald,' 
and is reproduced in the Appendix to this work (p. 236). 
The full text of ' Myvyr Morgan wg's ' adjudication has never 
seen the light ; but extracts from it appeared in some of the 
Welsh newspapers in the course of the controversy. The 
pith of it, in the Archdrnid's autograph, in the Welsh 
language, is still extant. In it he states that a tradition 
always existed among the Cymric race that Madoc ab Owain 
went to some strange land beyond the Western seas ; and 
what land, he asks, could that be if not America ? He then, 
in a strain of maudlin sentimentality, deprecates the surrender 
of what he calls ' one of the chief jewels hanging upon the 
breast of our mother-race ; ' goes on to argue that the essay 
of 'Ergydlym' is 'not upon the subject-,' and adds: 'But if 



Xll MA DOC. 

" Ergydlym " be admitted into competition, irhicli will be the 
course most commendable in the committee, and satisfactory to 
the public, . . . what appears to me the wisest course in this 
complicated matter is to divide the prize between the best of 
the affirmative essayists and the negative essayist (" Gwrnerth 
Ergydlym ") ' ; and with respect to the latter he adds : ' The 
testimonies and proofs that are brought forward by the 
affirmative essayists upon the whole appear, before examina- 
tion, to be strong and clear too much so, I should think, to ex- 
pect it to be admitted that they are overturned by " Gwrnerth 
Ergydlym " ; although it must be admitted that he has 
completely overturned several things that were usually 
brought forward to prove the departure of Prince Madoc to 
the Western world. " Gwrnerth " has opposed this opinion 
energetically, and has composed his essay showing that 
Madoc did not discover America, that he never went there, 
but that he died in his own country. And, in truth, his essay 
is a masterly work, and has proved its author to be, in con- 
formity with his name, " Gwrnerth Ergydlym " (" Gwrnerth 
Keeiistroke "), and that he is a powerful and systematic writer, 
a critical reviewer of the keenest character, and a master of his 
subject, on the side he has adopted.' 

' Myvyr ' stated, during the Eisteddfod, that the best essay 
on the affirmative side was that signed ' Wild Man of the 
Woods,' to whom, upon a false construction of the terms of 
the competition, he would have awarded half the prize. It 
subsequently transpired that this essay had been sent in by 
' Ab Ithel ' himself ! The essay was in the handwriting of 
' Ab Ithel ' ; and, when challenged in the public press as to this 
point, that gentleman for a time ignored the charge, but 



EDITOR S PREFACE. Xlii 

ultimately admitted that he had written the essay, though 
only as the amanuensis of another person ! 

The essay so sent in for competition by ' Ab Ithel ' was 
subsequently published in his own organ, the ' Cambrian 
Journal ' for 1859. 

The Llangollen committee could not be induced to do 
what was right in the matter of this competition, and tbe 
prize was never awarded. The hope of pecuniary reward was 
ever the smallest incentive to Mr. Stephens's labours in the 
fields of Welsh literature, the prizes offered being altogether 
disproportionate to the toil and care he bestowed upon what- 
ever work he undertook ; but, now that the reader has an 
opportunity of comparing Mr. Stephens's work with that of 
his ablest rival on the affirmative side, it is hoped that 
Stephens's reputation will not suffer from the comparison, but 
that his work will now receive from the reading public the 
meed of praise awarded to it by the adjudicators thirty-five 
years ago. 

The duties of the present Editor have been almost entirely 
confined to verifying references and correcting the press, Mr. 
Stephens having previously to his lamented death carefully 
revised the work and prepared it for the press ; but for the 
few notes indicated by square brackets, and for the Index, the 
Editor alone is responsible. 

It only remains to notice a statement which has on 
several occasions of late years been made in the columns of 
some of our local journals, to the effect that Mr. Stephens's 
views upon the Madoc question had undergone a considerable 
change previous to his death ; the suggestion being that he 
had become a convert to the truth of the Madoc story. In 



XIV MADOC. 

support of this assertion has been adduced the following state- 
ment by the Editor of the second edition of Stephens's ' Litera- 
ture of the Kymry ' : ' It was his (Mr. Stephens's) intention to 
re-write the part relating to the alleged discovery of America 
by Prince Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd, his opinion alter 
further investigation having undergone a considerable change 
on that subject.' That Mr. Stephens was always possessed 
of sufficient courage and honesty to give up an erroneous 
opinion, and not to hold to any position for a moment longer 
than he believed it tenable, is well known to all who knew 
him, and is borne out by his published writings. But the 
change of opinion referred to in the passage just quoted was 
a change from the position taken on this subject in the first 
edition of the ' Literature of the Kymry,' in which the writer 
said (p. 141) : ' I have not paid sufficient attention to the 
evidence to form any opinion as to the credibility of the 
popular story as to Madoc's emigration.' Mr. Stephens in 
the present essay (p. 97) refers to this change of position on 
his part as having been announced in another essay from his 
pen published in the Welsh magazine called ' Y Traethodydd.' 
But that Mr. Stephens had abandoned the maturer views set 
forth in the following work is at variance with the known 
facts. The present Editor enjoyed the friendship of Mr. 
Stephens, and was privileged from his earliest years to look 
upon him as ' guide, philosopher, and friend,' and had many 
conversations with him with reference to his views upon 
controverted points of Welsh history ; and such a complete 
' change of front ' would surely have been disclosed if it had 
been a fact ; and this silence upon the question is attested 
by members of Mr. Stephens's family, and other persons who 



EDITOR S PREFACE. XV 

knew him intimately. The allegation is also contradicted by 
documentary evidences consisting of numerous notes inter- 
spersed throughout the manuscript, the result of continued 
research and reflection, and communications from correspon- 
dents, down to a year or two before his death. Mr. Stephens 
had fully intended bringing out the work himself, and would 
no doubt have done so but for the fatal illness which so pre- 
maturely cut him off, and put an untimely end to his labours 
in the service of his native land, whose language and litera- 
ture he loved so well. 




CONTENTS. 



EDITORS PREFACE 



PAOK 

V 



INTRODUCTION 



CHAPTER I. 

THE FACTS AND STATEMENTS USUALLY CITED TO 

PROVE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY MADOC AP OWEN 

GWYNEDD. 

SECTION I. Bardic Poems 

II. Historical Testimonies ...... 

III. Travellers' Tales . 



7 

20 
41 



CHAPTER II. 

IMPRESSIONS PRODUCED BY THESE FACTS AND STATE- 
MENTS UPON THE MINDS OF HISTORICAL WRITERS. 

SECTION I. The Affirmative View 

II. The Tentative View 

III. The Negative View 



74 
87 
94 



XV111 MADOC 

CHAPTER III. 

A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE PRECEDING 
FACTS, STATEMENTS, AND OPINIONS. 

PAGE 

SECTION I. Are there Welsh Indians ? 100 

II. Was the Madoc Narrative written before the 

Voyage of Columbus ? 171 

III. Does the Narrative of the Discovery of America by 
Madoc ab Owen bear the Marks of Originality 

and Probability ? 185 

IV. Did Madoc leave his own Country ? 199 

V. The Growth of the Legend . . . . . 216 



APPENDIX. 

MADOC LITERATURE. 

I. Letter of Charles Lloyd, of Dolobran .... '227 

II. Letter of John Evans 229 

III. Letter from Dr. Samuel Jones 231 

IV. John Evans's Ascent of the Missouri, and Visit to the 

Mandans 232 

V. Dr. Williams ; Rev. G. Burder ; Southey's ' Madoc ' . 233 

VI.' Y Cylchgrawn ' ; ' Madoc's Speech ' 233 

VII. Letter of J. T. Roberts 234 

Llangollen Eisteddfod Adjudication 236 

INDEX 239 




MADOC. 



INTRODUCTION. 

THE Kymry are a small remnant of the primitive inhabitants 
of Britain ; they are but few in number, yet they inherit 
considerable renown ; they are now an obscure race, inhabit- 
ing a corner of a sea-girt island, but they have rendered the 
world some services, the memory of which will not willingly 
be allowed to perish. They have preserved and still speak 
one of the parent languages of the world, a monument de- 
scended from the time of the dispersion of the Aryan races, 
which still furnishes the means of illustrating many of the 
social features of those remote times, and is held in deserved 
veneration by all the great philologists of our day. They 
gave a hearty reception to the blessed truths of the Gospel ; 
preserved them for many centuries, free from Romish corrup- 
tions ; and still present to the world the spectacle, almost 
unique in its character, of a whole people distinguished for 
the earnestness of their religious worship, for their firm 
adherence to the Protestant faith, for their ardent advocacy 
of the cause of civil and religious liberty, and for the total 
absence of all great crimes among the inhabitants. They 
were the means of enriching the world with a whole class of 
literature which is still held in deserved respect ; it was from 
them that the Norman Trouveres received the materials of the 

B 



r~ 



2 MADOC. 

Arthurian and other British romances ; and it is primarily to 
them that the world owes ' The Faery Queen ' of Spenser, and 
the Lear and Cymbeline of Shakespeare. And, lastly, they 
present to all oppressed nationalities the gratifying 'example 
of a people who, being true to their country, have vindicated 
for themselves, against many opposing and oppressing powers, 
and in the midst of many vicissitudes, their distinctive rights 
and liberties ; and still speak, with all the force and fluency of 
ancient times, that noble language which they have inherited 
from the mists of ages in the far Past, and which they fer- 
vently hope will survive to that great day when the Lord 
and Master of all Christian men shall come to judge both the 
quick and the dead. 

We have here enumerated but a few of the many services 
rendered to the world by the Kymry. We might have cited 
several others ; but as some of these are disputed, we con- 
fined ourselves to a few brilliant services, which are universally 
admitted. One of these disputed services will form the 
subject of the present essay. It is an indisputable fact, that 
Welshmen have, and ought to have, an honourable place in 
the annals of the United States of America. It is perfectly 
well known that Rhode Island, one of those States, was 
founded by a native of Wales, named Roger Williams ; it is 
known that many Welshmen accompanied William Penn, and 
helped him to found Pennsylvania ; and I have recently shown, 
in the ' Traethodydd,' l that the descendants of Welsh settlers, 
in the various capacities of signers of the Declaration of In- 
dependence, Members of Congress, military officers, lawyers, 
artists, &c., have played a great and important part in the 
history of the New Continent. It will be an admirable in- 
troduction to these services, a brilliant fact in the history of 
the world, a lustrous page in the annals of the Kymry, and a 
bright feather in the national plume, if it can be proved that 
1 Y Traethodydd (The Essayist) for 1857, pp. 392, 393. 



INTRODUCTION. 3 

Madoc ap Owen Gwynedd anticipated Christopher Columbus 
and Amerigo Vespucci, and that the New World was discovered 
by a Welsh prince in the twelfth century ; for the finding of 
America is the most prominent fact in the history of maritime 
discovery, and has been fraught with most important con- 
sequences to the world at large, from that time to the present. 
But it is to be borne in mind that the claims of Madoc have 
been disputed ; that several men of high reputation in Wales 
itself have denied the truth of the story as commonly told ; 
and that, however generally believed among the natives of 
the Principality, the account is not now received by any 
historian of repute in England or elsewhere. Many discus- 
sions have taken place respecting it ; many persons have 
taken upon them, both affirmatively and negatively, to set 
the question at rest ; and it has been three times proposed 
as a subject for competition at Eisteddvodau, or Welsh 
Bardic Meetings ; but, somehow or other, all these attempts 
have proved unsatisfactory. Most of those who have 
written on the subject have been very strongly prejudiced 
either for or against ; and though there have been several 
set treatises on the subject, they have displayed great in- 
capacity for dealing with the facts in a judicial and impartial 
spirit, and have given credence to foolish and exaggerated 
statements, which have afterwards been proved to have been 
intentional and flagrant falsehoods. There has been as yet 
no systematic treatise by any historian of repute, competent 
to deal with the facts according to the canons of criticism, 
and at the same time thoroughly acquainted with the Welsh 
records and the bardic poems. It is, I presume, a wish to 
obtain such an authoritative and impartial discussion of the 
question that has induced the Committee of the Llangollen 
Eisteddvod to propose the subject ; for, though the wording 
betrayed the hand of one who held the affirmative opinion, 
it was to be presumed that a subject which had been constantly 

B2 



4 MADOC. 

under discussion for three-quarters of a century, and which 
had been proposed as an open question at the Carmarthen 
Eisteddvod in 1823, when the decision was essentially nega- 
tive, would certainly have been quite as open in 1858. This 
presumption was also warranted by the terms of the announce- 
ment : ' An Essay on the Discovery of America, by Prince 
Madoc ; ' the word essay implies liberty of thought, promises 
a field for discussion, and excludes the idea of a foregone 
conclusion. The positive character of the word discovery does 
not limit the meaning of the word essay, and must be inter- 
preted in conformity therewith. Besides, it is perfectly 
consistent with literary usage, to retain a positive title when 
it has become familiar, when the subject is one open to dis- 
cussion, and even when the conclusion is negative. A few 
examples will make this clear. Dr. Richard Bentley, one of 
the greatest of English scholars, in 1697 published his 
' Dissertations on the Epistles of Phalaris,' in which he adopted 
the positive title given to those Epistles by Boyle and previous 
writers ; while the aim of his book was to prove that they 
were forgeries, and that Phalaris was not their author. Wolf, 
the great German critic, in his 'Prolegomena ad Homerum,' 
retained the current name of the author of Iliad and Odyssey, 
though his aim was to prove that they were not the work of 
any one man named Homer. Dr. Thomas Brown published 
* An Essay on the Relation of Cause and Effect,' in which he 
upheld Hume's doctrine that there are no such things as causes 
and effects. Mr. Nash has published a work designated 
'Taliesin,' though he holds Taliesin to be a myth. And, 
lastly, Sir George Cornewall Lewis has published two volumes 
' On the Credibility of Early Roman History,' the purport of 
which is this, that the early Roman history is incredible. 
The examples of Bentley, Wolf, and Lewis fully justify me 
in having considered the subject as one which might fairly 



INTRODUCTION. 5 

be examined and discussed. I presumed that the Committee 
were not wholly insensible to the enlightened spirit and un- 
compromising love of truth that form the characteristics of 
the nineteenth century. I could not, therefore, readily have 
believed that there was any intention to exclude the discussion 
of the subject, and to bind the competitors to take the 
affirmative side, without any inquiry into the value and nature 
of the evidence ; for I should have felt myself, in the interests 
of historical truth, bound to denounce, as an insult to the 
literary sons of Cambria, as a stigma upon the truthfulness of 
my countrymen, any compulsion or inducement to uphold 
that as veritable truth which could not be shown to be so 
when subjected to a searching and candid examination, ' Yng 
ngwyneb haul a llygad goleuni,' ' in the face of the sun and in 
the eye of light.' I, therefore, considered the question to be 
an open one, and treated it accordingly. 

The fairest method of treating the subject, and that which 
will be most calculated to induce a judicial frame of mind, in 
both the reader and myself, seems to me to be this : firstly, 
to present the literature of the subject, leaving the statements, 
without note or comment, to make their own impression ; 
secondly, to pass in review the opinions of the various writers 
who have treated the subject, and to exhibit the impressions 
produced by the facts upon other minds ; and, lastly, to 
engage ourselves in a critical discussion of the whole 
matter. 

Pursuing this line of inquiry, I have discussed the subject 
in all its bearings, and have endeavoured to treat it exhaus- 
tively. In so doing, I may have laid myself open to the charge 
of excessive diffuseness, but I have done so in deference to 
the feelings of my countrymen. The subject has taken a firm 
hold of their minds, and has all the force of a patriotic senti- 
ment. They are naturally and pardonably proud of the 



6 MADOC. 

supposed achievement of Madoc; they will hold to it with 
all their wonted tenacity, so long as a single shred cf supposed 
evidence remains unrefuted ; and therefore, in calling upon 
them to give up this illusion, I feel it to be my duty to present 
them with such an overwhelming weight of argument as will 
command even their unwilling assent. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE FACTS AND STATEMENTS USUALLY CITED TO PROVE THE 
DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY MADOC AP OWEN GWYNEDD. 

I SHALL present these statements in the order of chronology, 
and cite them, each and all, with all the fulness that the 
subject demands, omitting nothing that is relevant to the 
inquiry ; including nothing calculated to convey a false 
impression, and abstaining from any expression of opinion on 
my own part. 

Section I. BARDIC POEMS. 

Of all the authorities usually named in this connection, 
the earliest in point of date are the Bardic Poems ; and as 
several of the passages referred to were composed by bards 
who were the contemporaries of Madoc, their testimony, if 
clear and full, is entitled to the greatest consideration. These 
poems, especially the portions of them usually cited, have 
therefore been held in considerable esteem ; but, singularly 
enough, this estimation has been shared by each of several 
contending parties, and all appeal to them with equal confi- 
dence ; some to prove that Madoc found an unknown country 
in the West, some to show that he landed either in Armorica 
or Gallicia ; and some to deny that Madoc ever left his own 
country. All these interpretations cannot possibly be correct ; 
and it therefore becomes of importance to have the passages 
presented in their simple and original form, that the reader 
may be able to draw his own inferences therefrom. The 



8 MADOC. 

passages in dispute occur in the poems of bards named 
Cynddelw, Llywarch ab Lly welyn called ' PrydydA y Moch/ 
Gwalchmai, and Meredydd ab Rhys. 

We will cite the passages in the order of the above names. 
CYNDDELW was one of the principal bards of the twelfth 
century ; and as his poems extend over the latter half of the 
twelfth, into the first half of the thirteenth century, he must 
have lived to a good old age. He has several poems addressed 
to Owen Gwynedd, the father of Madoc ; and among these is 
one entitled ' Marwnat Teulu Ywein Gwynet,' or the Elegy of 
the Family of Owen Gwynedd, who was Prince of North 
Wales from A.D. 1137 to 1169. In this poem are found four 
lines, which to all appearance have reference to Madoc the 
son of Prince Owen. They constitute a Welsh verse of the 
kind called an englyn, and appear to have been first cited in 
this connection by the late Dr. Owen Pughe. He cited them 
on two occasions, and with some slight variations. While 
yet simple William Owen, he supplied a copy to Dr. John 
Williams, who published them in 1792, and in the following 

form : 

Oni lias Madawg, myr dygyforth far ? 
Mau afar car cynnorth, 
Oedd anwas cas cad ehorth, 
Oedd anwar par yn y porth. 

It was accompanied by an English translation, which ran 
thus : 

Is not Madog dead, by the overwhelming wrath of seas ? 

Ah ! Grief assails me for the ready helping Friend ; 

He was not the Slave of Hatred in the toils of Battle, 

Nor was he tame in the Gate when he grasped his spear. ' 

1 Farther Observations on the Discovery of America, by Prince 
Madog ab Owen Gwynedd (London, 1792), p. 48. This was a con- 
tinuation of Dr. Williams's Enquiry into the Truth of the Tradition 
concerning the Discovery of America by Prince Madog ab Owen 
Gtvynedd <tc. (London, 1791). 



BARDIC POEMS. 9 

Dr. Pughe cited the englyn subsequently, in his Welsh- 
English Dictionary, under the word Dygyforth, and again 
rendered it into English ; but here he discards the interrogative 
oni, and reads ' yn y ; ' alters the punctuation ; substitutes 
cymhorth for cynnorth, and eorth for ehorth; and gives a 
diametrically opposite meaning to the third line : 

"Where did the wrath of overflowing seas 
Cut Madog off ! Grief for the aiding friend 
Remains to me ! in ruthless conflict high 
His hate ; nor tame was in the gate his spear. 

Dr. John Jones and Mr. Humphreys Parry, though taking 
different sides, accepted the first of these forms. But on 
comparing these two citations with the original poem, as 
published in the 'Myvyrian Archaiology/ we find that 
Dr. Pughe has made two alterations in his extract. He has 
not only substituted o?ii, is not, for the retrospective eny, 
since, but also changed mur, rampart or bulwark, the Kymric 
form of the Latin ' murus,' into myr, the plural of mm', sea ; 
and he has thus introduced a reference to the sea into his 
citation when it had no place in the original. 

The englyn in its authentic form runs thus : 

Eny lias madawc mur dygyuorth uar 

Meu auar car kynnorth 
Get anwas cas cad ehorth 
Get anwar par yn y porth. * 

This differs from the first citation both in words and 
orthography ; it has mur in the first line instead of myr ; uses 
the initial u as a consonant, with the power of / or v ; and 
has a k in cynnorth, in accordance with mediaeval usage, 
though that letter has now no place in the Kymric alphabet. 
That mur is the reading of the ' Myvyrian ' will be seen on 
verifying my reference ; and that its meaning is what I have 

1 MIJV. Arch. i. 225 (Gee's edit. 164). 



10 MADOC. 

represented it to be, may be seen in any Welsh-English 
Dictionary. Two illustrations will suffice : 

Mur, . A wall. So in Armoric. Richards. 

Mur, s.m. pi. .-iau (mu-ur). That is firm, fixed, or established ; a 
wall ; a rampart. Pughe. 

In translating examples of the use of this word, the latter 
author gives ' bulwark ' as an additional meaning of mur, and 
' fences ' as a rendering of the plural muriau ; and this may 
safely be assumed to be the signification of the word. These 
points being established, it becomes necessary to offer a new 
translation, which I now submit : 

Since Madoc, the bulwark of swelling rage, was slain, 

I mourn a helping friend ; 
The virile 1 one was fierce in the busy fight ; 
He was an arrogant commander in the portal. 

That is the real sense of the passage, which will now be 
left to produce its own impression, with only one additional 
remark. The poem in which it occurs laments the death of 
several members of Owen Gwynedd's family who had died in 
his lifetime ; it opens with an invocation to Owen himself, as 
one living in honourable old age ; and, therefore, seems to 
have been composed before his death, which took place in 
A.D. 1169. 

LLYWAKCH Prydydd y Moch was also contemporary with the 
sons of Owen Gwynedd, though probably twenty or thirty 
years younger than Cynddelw. He has numerous poems 
addressed to the sons and grandsons of Prince Owen ; and no 
less than three passages from his poems have been cited in 
the present connection. The first of these in point of date 
is a short poem of variable yet old orthography, here sub- 
joined : 

1 Under the word Anwas, Dr. Pughe gives a third version of this 
line, and an absurd rendering of this word, i.e. ' not a hero, a coward ; ' 
whereas the literal meaning is, ' not a servant,' or, ' not a boy.' 



BARDIC POEMS. 11 

AWDYL YR HAEARN TWYMYN. 
Prydyt y Moch ae cant. 

Creawdyr nef crededun y was 
Credwn y hwn val y credwn yonas 
Dur ynad detyf rad ry sswynas douy t 

Dof wyf yt yn wanas 
Dywynnyc dy wir dy wynnyas l 
Dy wynnuyd ym kywyd nyd kas 
Edrych pan vernych ueint uyn tras 
Creadur poethgur path greas 
Archaf arch y bedyr o berthynas crist 

A due crog yn vrtas 
Trwy eiryawl tec ymyawl tomas a phylip 

A phawl ac Andras 
O afleu uy llaw a llauyn wyn las 
O afeith goleith galanas 
Da haearn diheura pan lias 
Lleith madawc nad om llaw y cauas 
Noc ae ceif cain ae glas 
Rann o nef ae naw ternas 
A minheu mynnaf gyweithas 
Bot duw ym a dianc oe gas. 

Myv. Arch. i. 289 (Gee's edit. 205). 

The relevance of this poem was first indicated by 
Mr. Humphreys Parry (Cambro-Briton, i. 61) ; but it was 
first translated in the Literature of the Kymry (p. 142), 2 
though somewhat incorrectly. I shall therefore again give 
my own version. 

ODE TO THE HOT IRON (OR FIERY ORDEAL). 
Prydydd y Moch sang it. 

Creator of heaven ! His servant is a believer. 
Shall we credit this one, as we credit Jonas ? 
Steel judge ! Of free judgment, inspired by God ; 

I am submissive to thee, and bound : 
Consecrated is thy truth, and glowing heat ; 
Thy blessedness is not repugnant to my song. 
See when thou judgest, the greatness of my kindred. 

1 Neu, di wir yn wynias. * 2nd edit. p. 131 



12 MADOC. 

Heat-afflicting creature ! what created thee ? 

I will address a request to Peter, the relative of Christ, I 

Who honourably bore the cross, 
Through the intercession of Thomas and Philip, 
And Paul and Andrew. 

From having with my hand and blade slain the blessed one, 
From being accessory to a murderous deed, 
Good iron exonerate me ; that when 

The assassin slew Madoc, he received not (the blow) from my hand ; 
And that he who slew the brilliant one, 
Shall have no share of heaven, and its nine kingdoms ; 
And I will obtain fellowship 
In God's love, and escape His enmity. 

Here it may be allowable to observe that Madoc was not 
an uncommon name among the Kymry in the twelfth century ; 
and that this singular poem does not expressly intimate that 
this Madoc was the son of Owen ; but as there is a consider- 
able degree of probability in favour of that supposition, and 
as Mr. Parry also thought that it had reference to this Madoc, 
we may reservedly adopt that assumption. 

The second passage in the works of Llywarch occurs in 
a poem addressed to Rodri ab Owen ; but it has always been 
cited without the first four lines, though they are very neces- 
sary to understand the full bearing of the passage : 

Ker aber congwy kynnognes dwy dreic 

Deu dragon yn ygres 
Deu dremud am dud ae dodes 
Dwy uytin orllin orllawes 
Deu deyrn derrwyn didorres yn llid 

Liu daear ae hoffes 
Vn ar dir ar doruoet ry dres 
Yn aruon yn arwar trachwres 
Ac arall mynawc y mynwes mawrvor 

Y mawr uar agkymhes 
Yn esguraw hawl hawt adnes 
Yn esgar y bawb am beues. 

Myv. Arch. i. 284 (Gee's edit. 202). 

This passage also, with the exception of the first four lines, 



BARDIC POEMS. 13 

was first put forward by Dr. Williams, on the authority of 
Mr. Owen, who at that time did not include the^last two 
lines. His translation was as follows : 

Two princes, who in their wrath dealt quick devastations, 

Were by the Inhabitants of Earth beloved ; 

One on Land, leading his hard toiling Bands, 

In Arvon, quenching fierce ambition's Flame, 

The other of disposition mild, on the bosom of the mighty Sea, 

In great excess of Trouble. 1 

Three years later, Mr. Owen 2 added the last two lines, 
and gave a different translation of the whole, viz. : 

Two princes of strong passions broke off in Wrath ; s 

The multitudes of the earth did love them ; 4 

One on land 5 in Arvon, allaying of ambition, 6 

And another, a placid one 7 in the bosom of the vast ocean, 

In trouble great and immeasurable, 8 

Prowling 9 after a possession easy to be guarded, 

Estranged from everyone for a country. 10 

Mr. Parry gives a similar translation, differing only in the 
variations here added as foot-notes ; but he also commits the 
inconsistency of attributing ' strong passions ' and placidity 
to the same person ; and the translations of both, especially 
in the last four lines, are coloured by the prejudices of the 
writers ; but for the present they may be allowed to stand. 
It will probably be observed that the name of Madoc does 

1 Farther Observations etc., p. 46. 

2 Cambrian Register, i. 413. 

s ' Broke out into anger,' J. H. Parry, Essay on the Navigation 
of the Ancient Britons &c. (Carmarthen, 1825). 
* ' Delighted in them.' Ibid. 

5 Add : ' With hard toiling hosts.' Ibid. 

6 ' Excessive heat.' Ibid. 

7 ' Of placid manners, on.' Ibid. 

8 ' Troubles great and immeasurable.' Ibid. 

9 ' Roaming.' Ibid. 

10 ' For the sake of a dwelling.' Ibid. 



14 MADOC. 

not occur in this passage ; and I may add that his name does 
not occur in any part of the poem from which it is taken ; 
but Mr. Owen l saw a ' remarkable allusion to his fate ' in the 
last four lines ; and Mr. Parry considered this to be ' on 
every account the most important of the Bardic testimonies.' 2 
My opinion on the relevance of this passage will appear in 
the third chapter. 

The third and last of the Llywarch passages occurs in a 
poem addressed to Llywelyn ab lorwerth, Prince of North 
Wales from 1194 to 1240, whom the bard lauds very heartily. 

Nyd treid tra dilyn pell ouyn pwy 
Py geidw yr gorddwfyr rac pob gorddwy 
Llywelyn ae keidw llew yn adwy 
Llyw gwynet ae met hyd y mawddwy 
Llaw orthrech wrth rwyfan mordwy 
Lloegyr wrthryn tra llynn llwmynnwy 
Wyr madawc ermidet uwyuwy 
Wyr ywein uirein y auarwy. 

Myv. Arch. i. 301 (Gee's edit. 213). 

This passage also was first brought forward by Mr. Owen, 
and sadly misrepresented ; the last line, which nullifies the 
inference drawn from the others, was omitted ; the fifth was 
transposed and placed after the seventh, in order to connect 
a reference to the sea with the name ' Madoc ' ; and those 
two lines were then translated thus : 

Llywelyn, 

Nephew of Madoc whose departure 
We lament more and more. 3 

Here, nephew is a palpable misrepresentation; for the 
Kymric wyr signifies grandson and nothing else. The word 
ermidedd, here translated ' departure,' signifies eremitical ; and 

1 Cambrian Begister, loc. cit. * Cambro- Briton, i. 61. 

8 Farther Observations, p. 47. Dr. Jones, Monthly Magazine, 
September 1819 ; and Woodward's History of Wales, p. 327, 



BARDIC POEMS. 15 

both words were differently rendered by Mr. Owen himself in 
his dictionary, under the word ermidedd, viz. : 

Llywelyn, 

The adversary of Lloegr, beyond the lake of Llwmynwy, 

The grandson of Madog, inured to conflicts. 

Here the ideas of departure, loss, and lamentation dis- 
appear altogether ; and the reading ' grandson ' involves this 
dilemma : if the Madoc of this poem was the grandfather of 
Llywelyn, he was not Madoc ab Owen, and the passage 
becomes irrelevant ; but if this was the son of Owen, then the 
poet was wrong in his genealogy. Mr. Owen had recourse to 
a process of accommodation, and made his version to suit the 

following pedigree : 

OWEN GWYNEDD 



I I 

lorwerth Madoc 

Llywelyn ab lorwerth 

Here it is clear that Llywelyn was the nephew of Madoc 
ab Owen ; and accordingly the word wyr has been mistrans- 
lated to suit this fact ; but as wyr means ' grandson,' and as 
Llywelyn was both wyr Madoc and wyr Ywein, the question 
naturally arises, was not this some other Madoc ? It is also 
to be observed that the idea of ' departure ' does not occur in 
the original, which might be thus rendered : 

It is not necessary to go far and ask, 

Who will guard the Gorddwr 1 from invasion ? 

Llywelyn will guard it, a lion in the pass ; 

The ruler of Gwynedd possesses it to Mawddwy ; 

Dominant hand in rowing upon the sea, 

Opposer of Lloegr beyond Loch Lomond, 

Grandson of Madoc, . . . 

Grandson of Owen, sadness for whom is becoming. 

1 This is probably a proper name that of a" port in North Wales. 
It is mentioned by Giraldus, whose words are thus rendered by Sir B. 
C. Hoare : ' The length [of Wallia] from the Port of Gordher in 



16 MADOC. 

GWALCHMAI was also the contemporary of Owen and his 
sons, and has left poems addressed to Owen Gwynedd ; to his 
sons David and Rodri ; and to Madoc ab Meredydd, Prince of 
Powys. The passage usually referred to Madoc ab Owen 
occurs in a poem addressed to Prince David, Owen's son 
and successor. After lamenting the death and burial of lords 
of high renown, he says he could not rest without naming 
them, as they ' bought ' (the word is intended as a compli- 
ment) l the praises ' of the bards : 

Owain angerdawl anaw anfeidrawl 

Aer wrawl wrhydri 
Cadwallawn cyn ei golli 
Nid oed a lludw y llawdai fi 
Cadwaladr cerdgar cerdau cyfarwar 

Cyfarfu a'm perchi 
Madawg madioed godoli 
Mwy gwnaeth uy mod no'm codi 
Un mab Mar'edud a thri meib grufud 

Biau bud beird weini. 

Myv. Arch. i. 198 (Gee's edit. 146). 

The seventh and eighth lines are those which are under- 
stood to have a reference to the asserted discoverer of 
America ; but the force of the passage will perhaps be better 
understood in an English translation. Mr. Owen's version 
(Farther Obs. p. 48) does not differ materially from mine, 
and therefore need not be inserted here ; but he omits the 

Anglesey, unto Port Eskewin in Monmouthshire is eight days' journey.' 
Hoare's Giraldus, ii. 253. Humphrey Llwyd, a Denbighshire man, and 
therefore a good authority on this point, instead of Gordher has Gorawr 
in citing this passage in his description of Britain. {Breviary of 
Britain, p. 57.) 

In the Triads, the extreme port from Portskewitt is given as Porth 
Wygyr, or Bed Wharf Bay ; and possibly Gorddwr, literally ' the upper 
water,' was another name for that port. Hoare's idea, that the name 
was derived from Gor-ddyar, the roaring of the sea, is not a very just 
one. [More probably the Gorddwr of the poet was the low, flat border 
district on the Severn, on the borders of Montgomeryshire and 
Shropshire, sometimes called Gorddior Hafren.} 



BARDIC POEMS. 17 

last two lines of the extract here cited, which, it will be ob- 
served, have an important bearing upon this inquiry, as they, 
too, may possibly suggest a doubt as to whether the Madoc 
there named was really the son of Owen. It may also, perhaps, 
be questioned whether, even upon the affirmative assumption, 
this passage has any relevance to the discovery of America. 

In an English dress the passage may be thus ren- 
dered : 

Owen the vehement, transcendent musician, 

Hero of valiant war ; 
Cadwallon, before he was lost, 
It was not with ashes that he favoured me. 
Cadwaladr the song-loving, for con-sonant poems 

Honoured me. 

Madog kindly apportioned gifts ; 
He did more to please than to offend me. 
The one son of Meredydd, and three sons of Griffith, 

Had the ministry of benefit to bards. 

For the information of the reader it may perhaps be as 
well to state that Owen, Cadwallon, and Cadwaladr were 
three sons of Gruffydd ab Cynan. 1 Perhaps he can find who 
was the son of Meredydd without my aid. 

The passage from ' Meredydd ab Ehys ' is better known 
than any of the others, and is much more explicit. This bard 
is variously said to have flourished between the years 1430 
and 1460, 2 about the year 1440, 3 and in the year 1477. 4 He 
was a clergyman, lived at Ruabon in Denbighshire, and was 

1 ' Owain Gwynedd was the eldest son of Gruffydd ab Cynan.' 

' Cadwallawn, one of the sons of Gruffydd ab Cynan, was put to 
death at Nanheudwy about 1130.' 

' Cadwaladr, the second son of Gruffydd ab Cynan, ended his tur- 
bulent life in 1172.' 

"Williams' s Eminent Welshmen, pp. 56, 60, 369. 

2 Owen, Cambrian Biography, p. 251. 

3 Eev. Peter Bayley Williams, Cambro-Briton, i. 210. 

4 Sir Thomas Herbert's Travels (London, 1634). 

C 



18 MADOC. 

the poetical tutor of Davydd ab Edmwnt. 1 Several of his 
poems are preserved in manuscript ; 2 two of them are 
printed with English translations in the ' lolo Manuscripts ' ; 
and one of the poems, there given in full, contains the 
passage referred to, which we extract as it stands in that 
collection. 

The two poems in the ' lolo Manuscripts ' are addressed to 
one Ifan ab Tudur ab GrufFydd Llwyd, who lived at or about 
Maelor ; one was composed to beg him to present the poet 
with a fishing-net ; and the other to return thanks for the 
gift. In the latter we find these lines : 

Helied Tfan hael dyfiad 
Ar ei dir teg wir dre Tad. 
Mewn awr dda minnau ar ddwr, 
O fodd hael a fydd heliwr, 
Madog wych mwyedig wedd, 
lawn genau Owain Gwynedd, 
Ni fynnai dir, f 'enaid oedd, 
Na da mawr ond y moroedd. 
Madog wyf im oed ai gais 
Ar foroedd hyn arferais. 
Rhodiaf hyd For ac Afon 
Ar hyd eu gro a'm rhwyd gron. 

lolo MSS. pp. 323-4. 

Portions of this passage have been already translated by 
Sir Thomas Herbert, Mr. Owen, Dr. Jones, and others ; and 
the whole is translated in the ' lolo Manuscripts,' p. 703 ; 
but here, again, I will take the liberty of giving my own 
version, which in the ninth and tenth lines will be found to 
differ materially from that of the editor of that compilation. 
He renders the lines, 

Madoc am I, who throughout my life will seek, 
Upon the seas, that which I have been used to ; 

and our version of the whole passage will here follow : 

1 P. B. Williams, loc. cit. 

7 "Williains's Imminent Welshmen, p. 327. 



BARDIC POEMS. 19 

Let Evan, of generous growth, hunt 
Upon his fair land, his true patrimony ; 
In an auspicious hour, I also on water, 
With the consent of the generous one, will 

be a hunter. 

Madoc the bold, of expanding form, 
True whelp of Owen Gwynedd, 
Would not have land (my kindred soul), 
Nor great wealth but the seas. 
I am a Madoc to my age, and to his passion 
For the seas have I been accustomed. 
I will walk by sea and river, 
Along the strand with my circled net. 

Here we evidently have a Madoc tradition ; and it will be 
well to bear it in mind. 

Another bard is named by Sir Thomas Herbert, i.e. 
Cynvrig or Cynwrig ab Grono ; but he does not cite his words ; 
the name is wholly unknown Ho our two Cambrian biographers, 
Owen and Williams ; the modern writers on the affirmative 
side do not cite him as one of their authorities ; and hence we 
may assume that, at present at least, he is not forthcoming. 

1 [At least five persons of this name are known to have existed, viz. : 

1. A ' KenewricTf ab Gronoei,' Bailiff of Ehuddlan, took part in an 
Inquisition held at Prestanton, Dec. 13, 1279 (8 Edward I.). Vide 
Archceologia Cambrensis, first series, i. p. 339 (' Basingwerk Abbey,' 
&c.). 

2. ' David Lloyt ap Kenric ap Gronow ' is mentioned in a ' Boll of 
Fealty and Presentments ' on the accession of Edward the Black Prince 
to the title of Prince of Wales. (Original Documents, ap. Archceologia 
Cambrensis, p. clii.) 

3. ' Cynrig ab Gronw ' is named as one of the Jurors in an ' extent ' 
of the Commot of Glyn Llivon, Anglesey, 26 Edw. III. (A.D. 1352). 
Cymmrodorion Transactions, vol. i. p. 352. 

4. The same names figure as one of the ancestors of Dafydd ab 
Gwilym in the pedigree given in the printed edition of that poet's 
Works (first edit. p. vi ; second edit. p. vii.). 

5. ' Cynfrig ab Gronw ' was the leading minstrel at the ' Carmarthen 
Eisteddfod of 1451.' (Prof. J. E. Lloyd on ' Welsh Name-System ' ; 
Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix. p. 40.) But in the account of this Eisteddfod, 
published in Y Greal (London, 1805, p. 103), the minstrel in question 
is called simply ' Cynwrig Bencerdd, a native of Tegeingl.'] 

C2 



20 MADOC. 

Edward Jones saw an allusion to Madoc in the following 
lines, by Howel ab Owen, Madoc's brother : 

Ked bwyfy karyadawc kerted ouyt 

Gobwylled uy nuwy uy nihenyt 

Tonn wenn orewyn wychyr wrth dreuyt. 

Since I am a love wight, one inured to wander, 

May God direct (retard ?) my fate ! 

Fair foam-crowned wave of impetuous course. 1 

But I must confess I see nothing of the sort. The last 
line is a kind of catch-line commencing several verses in the 
same poem. (Myv. Arch. i. 277 ; Gee's edit. 198.) 



Section II. HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 

Having thus exhausted the list of Bardic passages, we 
come in the next place to deal with those which are of a more 
historical form. 

One of these, and that which has been relied upon with 
most confidence, though not perhaps the earliest in date, is 
the following TRIAD, which occurs in the Third Series 
published in the ' Myvyrian Archaiology ' : 

' 10. Tri Difancoll ynys Prydain : Cyntaf, Gafran ab 
Aeddan a'i wyr a aethant i'r mor ynghyrch y Gwerdonau 
Llion, ac ni chlywyd mwyach am danynt; Ail, Merddyn Bardd 
Emrys Wledig a'i naw Beirdd Cylfeirdd a aethant i'r mor yn 
y Ty Gwydrin, ac ni bu son i ba le ydd aethant ; y Trydydd, 
Madawg ab Owain Gwynedd, a aeth i'r mor a thrichannyn 
gydag ef mewn deg Hong, ac ni wyddys i ba le ydd aethant.' 2 

In translation, as follows : 

' The three Vanished Losses of the Isle of Britain : First, 
Gavran son of Aeddan and his men, who went to sea in search 

1 The Bardic Museum <tc. (London, 1802), p. 37. 
* Myv. Arch. ii. 59 (Gee's edit. 401). 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 21 

of the Green Isles of Floods, and were never heard of more. 1 
Second, Merddin, the Bard of Aurelius Ambrosius, and his 
nine Scientific Bards, who went to sea in the House of Glass, 
and there has been no account whither they went. 2 Third, 
Madoc son of Owen Gwynedd, who went to sea with three 
.hundred men in ten ships, and it is not known to what place 
they went.' 

This Triad appears to have been framed after the Triads 
of the first and second series ; for, though they mention the 
' difancoll ' of Gavran, they make no reference whatever to 
the disappearance of Madoc. The orthography of the third 
series is comparatively modern ; and it is thought that the 
two sets of materials of which it is constituted could not have 
been composed before the commencement of the sixteenth 
century; 3 for it was compiled in 1601 by Thomas Jones of 
Tregaron, from the Book of leuan Brechva, and another 
manuscript called The Book of Caradoc of Llancarvan. The 
propriety of this designation has been denied ; and the 

1 Some remarks respecting Gavran will be made hereafter. Southey 
refers to this legend in the lines, ' Where are the sons of Gavran ? ' &c. ; 
and Dr. Callcott has set the verses to some fine music. 

2 Houses of glass are often mentioned in the romances of the 
Middle Ages. Southey has a note on the subject in his Madoc, i. 276 ; 
see also Lit. of the Kymry, p. 201 (second edit. p. 192). Nennius 
alludes to a tower of glass seen off the Irish Coast ; and the Romance 
of Alexander the Great, composed in the thirteenth century, and 
supposed to^ contain some Persian elements, speaks of a vessel of 
glass in which Alexander went under the sea, to observe how the fish 
lived \ 

There seems to be some misconception as to Glastonbury Abbey, 
at the root of this Ty Gwydrin legend for that was built in the Isle 
of Avallon, called, probably by translation of Glaston, Ynys Wydrin : 
so that, after all, Merddin and his nine bards might simply have become 
monks at Glastonbury Abbey, though the Triads must intend that he 
was wholly lost. 

3 [Mr. Stephens has discussed the so-called ' Historical Triads ' at 
considerable length, in an essay published in the "Welsh magazine. 
Y Beirniad (Llanelly, 1863-65).] 



22 MADOC. 

manuscript in question certainly appears to have been written 
in the orthography of the sixteenth century, four hundred 
years after the time of the monk Caradoc. 

Another testimony is that of IEUAN BRECHVA, a Car- 
marthenshire antiquary, herald, and bard, of some celebrity, 
who died about the year 1500. He composed an epitome of 
Welsh History, which has been published in the ' Myvyrian 
Archaiology ' ; but that contains no reference whatever to 
Madoc ap Owen. The testimony in question is said to occur 
in another work, and is thus represented by Mr. W. Owen in 
his ' Cambrian Biography ' : 

1 This expedition (i.e. the one mentioned in the preceding 
Triad) was planned by Madog and his brother Rhiryd, in 
consequence of a prior one in 1170, whereby he discovered 
land far in the ocean of the West, as it is recorded in a book 
of pedigrees written by leuan Brechva, about the year 
1460.' > 

Mr. Humphreys Parry also lays stress upon the testimony 
of leuan Brechva; 9 but neither of these writers gives the exact 
words of this antiquary ; and it is a noticeable fact that the 
Rev. Robert Williams, in reproducing the usual testimonies 
in the article ' Madog ' in his ' Eminent Welshmen,' omits all 
mention of this ' book of pedigrees.' 3 But Mr. Owen and Mr. 
Parry probably referred to the statement made by Dr. Williams 
in these words : ' It is said by leuan Brechfa, a bard who 
flourished about the year 1480, that Rhiryd, an illegitimate 
son of Owen Gwynedd, who, Dr. Powel says, was Lord of 
Clochran in Ireland, accompanied Madog across the Atlantic 

1 Article Madog ap Owain Gwynedd, p. 233. 

5 Cambro- Briton, vol. i. p. 61. 

8 [There is in the Hengwrt collection at Peniarth a ' Book of Pedi- 
grees ' (Hengwrt MS. 414) in the autograph of leuan Brechfa, and 
under No. 114 in the catalogue of Peniarth MSS. this is called 'Llyfr 
leuan Brechfa.' (Arch. Cambrensis, fourth series, vol. i. p. 339.) 
This MS., however, makes no mention of any such expedition.] 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 23 

(Morwerydify to some lands they had found there, and there 
dwelt.' ' Dr. Williams does not state where he found this 
statement ; neither does he give the passage in the exact 
words of the writer ; and we have no means of judging in 
what connection the statement originally appeared. He 
naturally infers that leuan Brechva supports the Madoc 
tradition ; but on the other side it has been argued that 
leuan simply meant that Madoc went somewhere ' across 
Morwerydd ' ; 2 and it is not improbable that Morwerydd with 
him meant the Irish Sea. 

The testimony of the bard of Brechva is thus found to be 
in a very unsatisfactory condition ; and we shall discover, in 
the next place, that similar difficulties present themselves in 
regard to the testimony of Guttyn Owen. Of all the witnesses 
in this case, to use legal phraseology, he has been deemed to 
be the most important; his testimony has been thought 
decisive ; and more than one writer of note has made his 
acceptance of the asserted discovery to turn upon the question 
whether Guttyn Owen wrote before or after the discovery of 
the new continent by Columbus. But when we seek the 
ipsissima verba of this bard, we are at once confronted by this 
difficulty. On the one side it is affirmed that Guttyn Owen 
wrote in Welsh the account afterwards given by Humphrey 
Lhoyd or Llwyd, and that Llwyd's account is simply a trans- 
lation from the works of that bard. On the other hand, it 
is affirmed that Llwyd does not mention Guttyn Owen, that 
he makes no reference to any other authority, that he was 
the first writer 3 who declared that Madog had discovered a 

1 Farther Observations, p. 28. 

2 Woodward's History of Wales, p. 328. 

3 [It has been generally assumed that the Madoc story was first 
made known to English readers in the work of Dr. Powel in 1584. 
The fallacy of this assumption was first shown by Mr. Edward Owen, 
who, in an able Essay on this subject, published in the Red Dragon 
(Cardiff, 1885), drew attention to a rare tract by Sir George Peckham 



24 MADOC. 

western continent, and that Guttyn's testimony was simply 
what is given on his authority by Dr. Powel, namely, that 
Madoc sailed with ten ships. Now it is certainly true that 
Llwyd does not name Guttyn, and gives no indication of 
having used any other authority, while the fact that he 
advances several opinions of his own militates against the 
supposition of his being a translator. And it is also true that 
Dr. Powel, who mentions Guttyn Owen, cites him specially 
as an authority for the ' ten ships ' ; but whether Guttyn 
Owen merely made a statement similar to that of the Triad, 
or went further and indicated the discovery of a western con- 
tinent, cannot be confidently inferred from this citation. 
Powel believed the reported discovery, and Guttyn Owen's 
words, as they are set in Powel's narrative, have the appear- 
ance of confirming it; but whether they would signify as 
much when separated from this connection, and standing 
alone, cannot be determined. I have made several efforts to 
obtain the exact words, but have hitherto been unsuccess- 
ful. 

Having thus fairly stated the actual facts respecting the 

published in 1583, and entitled ' A True Eeporte of the late discoveries 
and possession taken in the right of the Crowne of England of the 
New found Landes by that valiaunt and worthye Gentleman Sir 
Humfrey Gilbert Knight.' Peckham's account, which is dedicated to 
Sir Francis Walsingham, agrees substantially with that of Powel, and 
both are professedly supported by statements made by one David 
Ingram, of whom more hereafter. Mr. Owen, in the essay in question, 
regrets his inability to discover any particulars of the life of Peckham. 
There are, however, various references to him in the State Papers of 
the period, in one of which he is described as ' of Denham in the 
County of Kent, Knight.' (State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. 
clxi. No. 44, which is an Indenture between Sir Philip Sydney and 
Sir George Peckham, assuring to the latter 30,000 acres of land in 
America, part of a grant to Sir Philip of ' thirty hundred thousand 
acres of ground to be discovered.' Other references to Peckham 
are in St. P. vol. xcv. No. 63 ; vol. cxlvi. No. 40, and vol. cxlviii. 
No. 4.)] 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 25 

testimony of Guttro^MjbijC ^ rftayr,n<5w>|>erhaps be permitted 
to relate what J*Po*ne appearance or^envg a joke. Mr. 
Woodward teUK tke story? ^A zealous anMtmary did once/ 
he said, ' get light of QiR0n dpwei^B $& r y chiUiiicle, wherein 
was Llwyd's nataatire exactJ^told ; but wh^n. he wished to 
make a more carer^^^^JBfis^n,-j^e'^i]b^ous MS. was gone ; 
nor could he ever afteMurds le'STrn so much as where it 
was.' l 

This is probably another version of a statement made by 
Dr. Williams, which is to the effect that the Rev. Josiah Rees 
informed Mr. Edward Williams (lolo Morganwg) who in 
such matters was himself a better authority that he had 
two or three fair MSS. of Caradoc of Llancarvan, with the 
continuation by the monks of Strata Florida, Guttyn Owen, 
&c. ; that he compared them with Dr. Powel's translation ; 
and that he found the latter to be the most faithful that he 
ever met with in any language.' 2 But this statement is not 
strictly relevant to the inquiry ; for, though the translation 
of Llwyd and Powel is faithful, where it is a translation at 
all, the part of the ' Historie of Cambria ' relating to Madoc 
neither appears nor professes to be so. Mr. Rees does not 
appear to have stated specifically that he had in MS. an 
original counterpart of their statement ; and, if he had, he 
might have been convicted of misstatement by his own act ; 
for in the Welsh magazine 3 of which he was editor he 
published one of these MS. chronicles ; but it makes no refer- 
ence whatever to Madoc ap Owen. 

Dr. Williams supposed that these MSS. had disappeared ; 
but, as I have said, one of them was published in 1770 by 
Mr. Rees, and the Chronicle of Guttyn Owen is very well 

1 Woodward's History of Wales, pp. 329, 330. 
1 Farther Observations, p. 20. 

s Trysorfa Gwijbodaeth, neu, Eurgraivn Cymraeg. .T. Ross, 
Caerfyrddin (1770). 



26 MADOC. 

known. It is now in the possession of Thomas Griffith, Esq., 
of Wrexham, and is the MS. usually cited as the ' Book of 
Basingwerk ' ; but I believe that it may be confidently affirmed 
that, so far from containing Llwyd's narrative, it has not as 
much as a single word on the subject. It is well known that 
the late Mr. Aneurin Owen, under the auspices of what was 
termed the Record Commission, prepared an edition of the 
Welsh Chronicles for the press. A portion of this work, 
coming down from A.D. 688 to 1066, was published in the 
handsome folio volume entitled ' Monumenta Historica Bri- 
tannica ' ; and in that portion Mr. Owen is seen to have made 
frequent use of the ' Book of Basingwerk,' and to have collated 
that with the other chronicles. Feeling perfectly assured 
that, if this MS. contained the Madoc narrative, it would ap- 
pear in Mr. Owen's MS. edition, I wrote, for the purpose of 
this essay, to his son, the late William Owen, Esq., of Tan y 
Gyrt, near Denbigh, to make the requisite search ; and in a 
reply, dated Feb. 10, 1858, he informs me that, under and 
about the year 1170. there is no reference whatever to Madoc 
or his expedition. We must therefore cease to refer this 
narrative to Guttyn Owen's Chronicle, and seek elsewhere 
for the statement cited by Dr. Powel. 

Next in order comes the testimony of that ' paineful and 
worthie searcher of Brytish antiquities,' Humphrey Llwyd. 
He was a native of Denbigh, born of highly respectable 
parents, received a collegiate education, took the degree of 
M.A. at Oxford in 1551, represented his native town in Par- 
liament, and died in his forty-first year in 1568. He corre- 
sponded with several of the most learned men of his day, and 
composed several works relating to Wales and its history. 
Of these the most important was an historical work, written 
in 1559, which he left in MS. and unfinished. A copy being 
in the hands of Sir Henry Sidney, Lord President of the 
Marches, it was at his solicitation edited, extended, and 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 27 

published in 1584, by Dr. David Powel, under the designa- 
tion of the ' Historie of Cambria.' 1 

In this volume we meet with the following passage, or 
rather paragraph, for which the sole authority named in the 
margin is ' H. Lhoyd ' ; and hence it has been argued that 
Dr. Powel knew of no other authority for the statements 
therein contained. 2 

Llwyd's words here follow : 

' Madoc another of Owen Gwyneth his sonnes left the 
land in contention betwixt his brethren, and prepared certaine 
ships with men and munition, and sought aduentures by seas, 
sailing West, and leaning the coast of Ireland so far north, 
that he came to a land vnknowen, where he saw manie strange 
things. This land must needs be some part of that countrie 
of which the Spaniardes affirme themselves to be the first 
finders sith Hanno's time ; for by reason and order of Cosmo- 
graphie, this land, to the which Madoc came, must needs be 
some part of Noua Hispania or Florida. Wherevpon it is 
manifest, that that countrie was long before by Brytaines 
discouered, afore either Columbus or A mericus Vesputius lead 
anie Spaniardes thither. Of the viage and returne of this 
Madoc there be manie fables fained, as the common people 
doo vse in distance of place and length of time rather to 
augment than to diminish : but sure it is, that there he was. 
And after he had returned home and declared the pleasant 
and fruitfull countries that he had scene without inhabitants ; 
and vpon the contrarie part, for what barren and wild ground 
his brethren and nephues did murther one another : he pre- 
pared a number of ships, and got with him such men and 
women as were desirous to Hue in quietnes, and taking leaue 

1 Williams's Eminent Welshmen. This work contains a very ful 
biographical notice of Humphrey Lhoyd, Lhuyd, or Llwyd. 

2 Woodward's History of Wales, p. 329. 



28 MADOC. 

i 

of his freends tooke his iournie thitherward againe. 1 There- 
fore it is to be presupposed, that he and his people inhabited 
part of those countries ; for it appeareth by Francis Loues, 2 
that in Acusanus 3 and other places, the people honored the 
crosse : whereby it may be gathered that Christians had beene 
there, before the comming of the Spaniards. But bicause this 
people were not manie, they folowed the maners of the land 
they came vnto, and vsed the language they found there.' 4 

Columbus landed on October 12, 1492, on one of the 
Bahama Islands, a little to the south of Florida ; and in the 
course of the ensuing months discovered St. Domingo, which 
he named Hispaniola, and which, after leaving the crew of 
one of his vessels to form a colony, he left to return homewards, 
January 4, 1493. Llwyd here supposes that Madoc must have 
landed in one of the two places discovered by Columbus ; but 
Dr. Powel held a different opinion, and, in continuation of 
the above account, made the following remarks : 

' This Madoc arriuing in that Westerne countrie, vnto 
the which he came, in the yeare 1 1 70, left most of his people 
there ; and returning backe for more of his owne nation, 
acquaintance and freends, to inhabite that faire and large 
countrie : went thither againe with ten sailes, as I find noted 
by Gutyn Owen. I am of opinion that the land, wherevnto 
he came, was some part of Mexico : the causes which make 
me to thiuke so be these. 

1 The point of departure is unsettled. Sir Thomas Herbert makes 
it Abergwilley (Abergwili, near Carmarthen, or Abergele, Carnarvon- 
shire ?) ; Howel, Milford (Epistolce Ho-Eliance, Bk. ii. 1. 55 ; and 
Ilev. Isaac Taylor, ' Ynys Hir,' near Port Madoc (Words and Places, 
p. 372). ' From YNYS HIR, now some way inland, Madoc is said to have 
sailed in quest of unknown lands.' 

2 Lopez de Gomara. s Acusamil and Yucatan. 

4 Historic of Cambria, pp. 166 7 (ed. 1811). See also Wynne's 
edition (1697) under A.D. 1170. 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 29 

1 1 . The common report of the inhabitants of that countrie, 
which affirme, that their rulers descended from a strange 
nation, that came thither from a farre countrie : which thing 
is confessed by Mutezuma, king of that countrie, in his oration 
made for quieting of his people, at his submission to the king 
of Castile, Hernando Curteis being then present, which is 
laid downe in the Spanish Chronicles of the conquest of the 
West Indies. 

' 2. The Brytish words and names of places, vsed in that 
countrie euen to this daie, doo argue the same : as when 
they talke togither, they use this word Gwrando, which is, 
Hearken or listen. Also they haue a certeine bird with a 
white head, which they call Pengwin, that is, white head. 
But the Hand of Corroeso, the cape of Bryton, the river of 
Gwyndor, and the white rocke of Pengwyn, which be all 
Brytish or Welsh words, doo manifestlie shew that it was 
that countrie which Madoc and his people inhabited.' ' 

Hakluyt, Raleigh, Purchas, Marriott, Paget, Abbott, and 
a host of other writers, afterwards repeated the story ; but 
they add nothing of any importance to the narrative of 
Llwyd and Powel, and cannot be considered to be original 
authorities. 2 

Dr. John Williams gives Hakluyt's account in his essay, 

1 Historic of Cambria, p. 167 (ed. 1811). 

3 Hakluyt, Voyages, iii. (1st ed. 1589, p. 506) ; Raleigh, History of 
the World ; Pagett, Christianography, p. 47 ; Purchas, Pilgrimage, 
b. viii. p. 890 ; Abbott, Archbishop of Canterbury, History of the World, 
pp. 255 et seq., says America was discovered by a Welsh prince, and 
was known to King Arthur (!). John Marriott seems to have written 
in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. He also refers to two Cambrian 
traditions relative to the discovery of America one by King Arthur, 
and the other ' by a knight of Wales and some pretty company,' 
meaning Madoc. Dr. Williams (Enquiry, &c. p. 17) seems inclined 
to elevate him to the rank of an original authority ; but the fifth edi- 
tion, quoted by Williams, is dated 1620, and the reference to the 
Penguin seems to imply that he had read or heard of Powel's narra- 
tive. 



30 MA DOC. 

and in reference to the words ' with ten sailes, as I find noted 
by Guttun Owen,' appends the following note : 

' Hakluyt says, that he derived this account from Guttun 
Owen : his writings, therefore, must have been extant in the 
days of Hakluyt. He does not refer to Humphrey Llwyd or 
Dr. Powel as his authorities.' ' 

Dr. Williams is in error. Hakluyt does refer to Powel's 
' History of Wales ' as his authority ; and his account is a mere 
repetition of Llwyd and Powel's. He gives Guttyn Owen's 
statement in the exact words of Dr. Powel ; and therefore 
Dr. Williams's inference falls to the ground ; for the original 
authority is therefore Powel, and not Hakluyt. There need 
be no question that Powel saw the statement in one of 
Guttyn's manuscripts : and the question which interests us is 
this : Was the statement about the ' ten ships ' all that Powel 
found in the writings of that bard ? 

Sir Thomas Herbert, a great traveller in the early part of 
the seventeenth century, is the next writer of note upon 
this question. His account has been republished at length 
in 'The Literature of the Kymry,' pp. 143-7, 2 and is there- 
fore easily accessible. In this place, for that reason, we shall 
omit the first part thereof, which cites a passage from Seneca, 
supposed to be a ' dim light to show the way to the western 
world,' and gives an account of the contentions between the 
sons of Owen Gwynedd. He then proceeds thus : 

' These intestine broils were in no way pleasing to Madoc, 
another of the sons of Owain, who seems to have foreseen 
that the ruin of their country would be the consequence of 
their discord and fraternal rage. Therefore, to avoid the 
storm and provide for himself, he resolves upon a sea adven- 
ture, hoping to find some place abroad where he might fix 
himself securely, and not be open to invasion. Thus says 
tradition. It is not unlikely but that Madoc was acquainted 
1 Enquiry <fc. p. 12. 2 Second edition, pp. 133 et aeq. 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 31 

with the prophecy or " dim lights " which led to the discovery 
of the western world. Madoc having provided ships, men, 
and provision, put to sea from Abergwilley, in the year 1170. 
Wind and sea favouring his design, after some weeks' sailing 
due west, he descried land, probably Newfoundland ; but 
whatever it was it overjoyed him. Madoc then ranging the 
coast, so soon as he found a convenient place, sat down to 
plant, meaning, fixed on a spot to form his intended settle- 
ment. After he had stayed there awhile to recruit the health 
of his men, he fortified his settlement and left 120 men there 
to protect it. And by providence (the best compass) he 
returned in safety to his own country. Having recounted 
his voyage, the fruitfulness of the soil, the simplicity of the 
savages, the wealth abounding there, and facility of enlarge- 
ment, after some months' refreshment, in ten barques laden 
with necessary provisions, they put to sea again, and happily 
recovered their settlement. 1 They found but few of those 
whom they had left remaining, their death, it is conjectured, 
being by an incautious indulgence in the produce of a novel 
climate and country, or the treachery of the natives. Madoc, 
with the assistance of his brothers Eineon and Edwal, put 
things once more in comparative good order, and remained 
there some time, expecting the arrival of more of their country- 
men from Wales, for which they had made arrangements 
previous to their departure ; but they never came, and caused 
grievous disappointment. The cause of this failure is said to 
have been the wars which ensued, and which called for the 
service of every man for the defence of his country, but 
which ended in the subjugation of Wales by the English. 

' But though Madoc and his Cambrian crew be dead, and 
their memory moth-eaten, yet are their footsteps plainly 

1 Edward Williams (lolo Morganwg) assigns the date of 1195 to 
the second voyage, and professes to have Herbert's authority (Poems, 
Lyric and Pastoral, ii. p. 65) ; but this is apparently an error. 






32 MADOC. 

traceable, which the language they left, the religion they 
taught, and the reliques they found do clearly evidence. 
Otherwise how are we to account for the British words, not 
much altered from the dialect used at this day, among the 
Mexicans ? Whence had they the use of beads, crucifixes, 
&c. ? All which the Spaniards, as we read in Lopez de 
Gomeza and others, found amongst those, Acusano and 
Calhusean, at their first landing in America. Yea, whence 
comes that tradition amongst the Mexicans, that a strange 
people came thither in corraugles who taught them the know- 
ledge of God, and by whose instruction they became civilised, 
as is related by Columbus, Postellus, Francus, Lopez, Cortes, 
and other Castilians ? 

1 That of Herniando Cortes, who A.D. 1519 was ambassador 
and general for Ferdinand and Isabella, is most remarkable. 
In some discourse between him and Montezuma, the second 
eon of Antzol, and father of Quabutimoc, the last king of 
Mexico, Cortes, observing the Indians to have many ceremo- 
nies which the Spaniards used, demanded who instructed them. 
The answer was, that many years before, a strange nation 
landed there, who were such a people as induced his ancestors 
to afford them a civil reception. But how they were called, 
or whence they came, he could not satisfy. Another time, in 
a panegyric which Montezuma returned them, he had this 
expression : " One chief cause of my affection to your nation 
is, I have heard my father say, how that he had heard his 
grandfather affirm, that some generations before, his progeni- 
tors came thither as strangers in company of a nobleman who 
abode there awhile, and then departed, but left many of his 
people behind. That upon his return, most of those he left 
there died ; and that from him or some of them they supposed 
themselves to be descended." By which narrative it may be 
presumed, the people he meant were Welsh rather than 
Spaniards. And the records of that voyager, writ by many 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 33 

bards and genealogists, confirm as much, as may appear by 
the learned poems of Cynwric ab Grono, Guttyn Owain, who 
lived in Edward the Fourth's time ; and Sir Meredith ab Rees, 
who lived in 1477, of Madoc had this eulogy : 

Madoc wif mwydic wedd 
lawn genau Owain Gwynedd 
Ni fannwn dyr fy enaid oedd 
Na da mawr ond y moroedd. 

Madoc ab Owen called was I ; 
Strong, comely, brave, of stature high ; 
No home-bred pleasures proved my aim ; 
By land and sea I won high fame. 1 

* By their language also, Welsh names being given to birds 
and beasts, rivers and nooks, &c. &c., as pengwyn, a bird that 
has a white head ; craigwen, a white rock ; gwynddwr, white 
water ; nev, heaven ; llwynog, a fox ; wy, an egg ; calaf, a 
quill ; bara, bread ; trwyn, a nose ; mam, a mother ; tad, 
father ; dwr, water ; pryd, time ; and many others. There 
are islands called Corrhoeso, and a cape Britain. Buwch, a 
cow ; and clugar, a heathcock, 2 &c., &c. Nor is it a phansie 

1 These four lines were first published in this connection by 
Hakluyt, and they were communicated to him by the celebrated anti- 
quary, William Camden, with this title : 

' Carmina Meredith Filii Ehesi, mentionem facientia de Madoco, 
Filio Oweni Gwyneth, et de sua Navigatione in Terras incognitas. 
Vixit hie Meredith circiter Anno Domini 1477.' 

Then follow the lines as given by Herbert ; and it is probable that 
he found them in and cited them from Hakluyt's Voyages, which 
were first published in 1589, and again in 1599-1600. 

It has, indeed, been suggested by lolo Morganwg (Poems, Lyric 
and Pastoral, ii. p. 65), and after him by Mr. Humphreys Parry 
(Cambro-Briton, i. p. 61), that Herbert had his materials from the 
library of Eaglan Castle ; but his statements can, for the most part, be 
traced to other sources, and there does not seem to be any authority 
for this suggestion. 

2 I am unable to trace the authorities for these Welsh words. 
Howell (ii. Ep. Ivi.) refers them to ' some navigators.' ' Penguin ' 
and Givynethes, and ' divers other Welsh words,' are named by David 

D 



34 MADOC. 

of yesterday, since learned men both of late and former times 
have taken notice. Such are Cynwric ab Grono, Meredith 
ab Rees, Guttyn Owain, Lloyd, Howell, Prys, Hackluit, 
Broughton, Purchas, Davy, and others, whose learning and 
integrity have credit, and abundantly convince the ingenious, 
so as no doubt had it been known and inherited, then had not 
Columbus, Americus Vespusius, Magellan, nor others carried 
away the honour of so great a discovery. Nor had Madoc 
been defrauded of his memory, nor our kings of their just 
title to a portion of the West Indies.' l 

Ingram, an enterprising voyager of the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- 
turies, in some ' Relations,' cited in Gilbert's Voyages. Dr. Harris, the 
naval historian, names Ingram in connection with one Miles Phillips.* 

* [' The relation of David Ingram, of Barking, in the County of 
Essex, sailor,' who sailed with Sir John Hawkins on his third voyage 
to the West Indies in 1568, was, together with the narrative of his 
fellow -sailor, Miles Phillips, printed in the first edition of HakluyVs 
Voyages, 1589, p. 557, but Ingram's Eelation was omitted in the 
second edition, 1599-1600. Ingram's words are as follows : ' There is 
also another kind of fowl in that country . . . they have white heads, 
and therefore the countrymen call them Penguins, which seemeth to be 
a Welsh name. And they have also in use divers other Welsh words. 
A matter worth the noting.' Ingram's Eelation (the original MS. of 
which is still extant in the British Museum, Sloane MS. 1447) is ex- 
pressly stated to have been made to Sir Francis Walsingham, Knight, 
Sir George Peckham, Knight, and others in August and September 
1582. Ingram is thus the earliest known authority for these Welsh 
words.] 

1 ' Eelation of some Years' Travaillinto Africa and Asia the Great, 
especially describing the famous Empires of Persia and Industan, 
as also divers other Kingdoms in the Oriental Indies and the Isles 
adjacent. With a Discourse on the Discovery of America by the 
Welsh three hundred years before Columbus. By Sir Thomas Her- 
bert, Bart. Pawb yn y arver.' (Folio. London, 1634. Eepublished 
in 1638 and 1677.) 

[This ' just title ' was again seriously asserted in the year 1739 in 
an anonymous work entitled, The British Sailor's Discovery ; or, the 
Spanish Pretensions confuted (London, 1739). In pp. 12-14, the dis- 
covery of America by Madoc is mentioned, and a long quotation from 
Powel given, but no new matter is added.] 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 35 

Sir Thomas Herbert was made a baronet by Charles the 
Second for his fidelity to that king's father ; but his travels 
belong to an earlier period of his life. He was born at York 
in 1606, educated at Oxford and Cambridge, and went to 
Persia in 1626, in the suite of Sir Dodmore Cotton, through 
the interest and at the expense of his kinsman, William 
Herbert, Earl of Pembroke. He returned to England at the 
end of four years, having travelled very extensively in Eastern 
parts. He published his travels in 1634; a second edition, 
revised and enlarged, appeared in 1638 ; and a third in 1677 ; 
but the first must be taken to be the date of the testimony 
above given. 

Another writer on this subject was James Howell, a cele- 
brated author of the same age. He was bom in 1596, was 
a native of Carmarthenshire, the son of a clergyman, and 
educated at Jesus College, Oxford, where he took his bachelor's 
degree. He lived in the stormy period of the Civil War, got 
involved in debt, and was committed to the Fleet prison in 
London. Here he took to writing for the press ; but is best 
known by his letters, which were characterised by liveliness, 
sagacity, and good sense. These were the earliest collection 
of the kind published in this country, and extended over four 
volumes. The first volume of the ' Epistolas Ho-Elianae ' 
appeared in 1645, and the fourth in 1655. There were 
many subsequent editions, but these are the dates we require ; 
and it is in the first, second, and fourth volumes that Howell 
speaks of Madoc. He adds nothing to the preceding state- 
ments, with the exception of the extraordinary misconception, 
and flagrant misstatement, that the four lines just cited from 
Meredith ab Rees were found upon the tombstone of Madoc in 
the West Indies ! A part of this misconception is due to the 
mistranscription of these lines, in which the verb wyf, ' I am,' 
of line 9 of our quotation (ante, p. 18) appears in line 5 
instead of the adjective wych, ' bold,' thus making Madoc 

D 2 



36 MADOC. 

speak in his own person ; but the idea that the lines formed 
an epitaph appears for the first time in HowelFs Letters ; and 
the misconception existed in his mind as early as the year 
1630, as appears from Vol. ii. Letter 56, p. 351 (4th 
edition, 1673), dated Westminster, August 9 of that year, 
and addressed to Earl Rivers, in which he writes thus : 

' But, my Lord, you would think it strange, that divers 
pure Welsh words should be found in the new-found World in 
the West Indies. Yet it is verified by some Navigators ; as 
grando (hark), nef (heaven), lluynog (a fox), pengwyn (a bird 
with a white head), with sundry others which are pure 
British. Nay, I have read a Welsh Epitaph, which was 
found there, upon one Madoc, a British Prince, who four years 
before the Norman Conquest, not agreeing with his brother, 
then Prince of South [rather North] Wales, went to try his 
fortunes at sea, imbarking himself at Milford-Haven, and so 
tarried on those coasts. This, if well -proved, might well 
entitle our Crown to America, if first discovery may claim a 
right to any country.' 

Mr. Humphreys Parry republished this letter in the 
Cambro-Briton, iii. 462, and suggested that Howell got the 
above account from Herbert ; but the letter was written four 
years before Herbert published his travels ; and it would 
probably be more correct to assume that Powel and Hakluyt 
were his authorities, and that Howell and Herbert wrote 
independently of each other. 

Howell may or may not have been the originator of the 
epitaph story. I am inclined to think he was ; and there 
are several loose assertions in the foregoing letter, which show 
that he did not take much pains to inform himself accurately 
respecting the details of the Madoc narrative. Herbert, it 
will have been observed, launches our hero, a North Wales 
prince from the little village of Abergwili in Carmarthen- 
shire, probably from not knowing that a small place on the 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 37 

sea, called Abergele, existed in Denbighshire. Howell, equally 
uninformed, has shaped the story to suit this misconception ; 
Madoc, the son of Owen Gwynedd, becomes in his hands a 
brother to a prince of South Wales ; he sails from Milford 
Haven, and is sent adrift before the Norman Conquest (i.e. 
1066), some half-century before he was born probably, and 
more than a century before the usually assigned date, viz. 
1170. But whether the misconception originated with Howell 
or some other person, it evidently had taken a strong hold of 
his mind, and we find him referring to it a second time. A 
relative having asked him for a copy of the epitaph, he replies 
in these terms : 

' To Howel Gwyn, Esq. 

1 My much endeared Cosen, I send you herewith accord- 
ing to your desires the British or Welsh Epitaph (for the Saxons 
gave us that new name calling us Welshmen or Strangers in 
our own countrey) which Epitaph was found in the West Indies 
upon Prince Madoc neer upon 600 years since.' Then 
follows a corrupt copy of the lines quoted by Herbert, and a 
translation in which Herbert's verse is improved, though pro- 
fessedly given as his : 

Madoc ap Owen was I call'd, 
Strong, tall, and comly, not inthrall'd 
With home-bred pleasure, but for Fame, 
Through Land and Sea I sought the same. 1 

He then remarks : ' This British Prince Madoc (as many 

1 This ' epitaph ' seems also to have attracted the attention of Dr. 
Samuel Johnson, who gave it a Latin form : 

' Inclytus hie Hseres magni requiescit Oe'ni 

Confessus tantum mente modoque patrem. 
Servilem talis Cuitum contempsit Agelli, 
Et petiit Terras per Freta longa Novas.' 

Cited by Dr. AYilliams from The Public Advertiser, May 25, 1787 
[Enquiry, p. 14]. 



38 MADOC. 

authors make mention) made two voyages thither, and in the 
last left his bones there, upon which this epitaph lay ' ; and 
concludes his observations with the usual reference to Cape 
Britain, a promontory ' not far from Mexico,' ' a creek called 
Gwyndwor,' and ' the sign of the Crosse.' l 

Fourteen years previously, Howell had thought it desi- 
rable to have the Cambrian tradition well proved ; but here he 
speaks quite confidently. 

Howell's Letters obtained much celebrity, and, as a natural 
consequence, the ' Epitaph ' became an accredited fact. It was 
probably from him that it found its way into Hackett's Col- 
lection of Epitaphs ; and the story is again referred to in the 
collection of Letters published in London in 1694, under the 
title of the ' Turkish Spy,' which we shall have occasion 
hereafter to notice in greater detail, and in which the writer 
represents the Tuscaroras or Doeg Indians to be the descendants 
of Madoc, adding that they ' show his Tomb to this day, with 
Beads, Crucifixes, and other Reliques.' 2 

Howell's authority, also, commended the story to the at- 
tention even of Welsh writers; and so, in 1716, we find it 
cited in ' Drych y Prif Oesoedd, or The Mirror of the Primitive 
Ages,' by the Rev. Theophilus Evans. Evans's work became 
the favourite manual of Welsh history, retained its place for 
a century, and has impressed the Madoc narrative so deeply 
upon the Kymric mind that it will probably not be effaced 
for a century to come, even though it should ultimately appear 
to have no foundation in fact. He bases his narrative upon 
the triple assertion that Madoc's voyage is recorded in ' the 
chronicles of the ages ' ; that the natives of America use the 
Kymric words named by Powel ; and that the foregoing 
' epitaph ' was found upon Madoc's tomb in that country. He 

1 EpistolcB Ho-Eliance, vol. iv. Letter 29, dated Oct. 8, 1654 (?). 

2 The Turkish Spy (London, 1694), vol. viii. Bk. iii. Letter xii. 
p. 204. 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 39 

has been much blamed for the latter assertion by recent 
writers ; but he gives as his authority f Hoel. Ep. Vol. iv. 
Ep. 29, p. 474, Ed. 7,' namely, the foregoing letter, and is, 
therefore, not primarily responsible for the assertion ; and in 
referring to ' the chronicles of the, or those, ages,' he was 
probably unconscious of the fact that the Welsh Chronicles 
have no record of Madoc's voyage, and that he only knew 
them in Llwyd's translation. He, however, adds to the pre- 
ceding narrative, (1) that Madoc on the second voyage reached 
the port where he had landed before, in eight months and ten 
days ; (2) that while that generation survived they remained 
together, having one language, one religion, and one law ; 
(3) but that in the lapse of time, after two or three genera- 
tions, they associated with the natives, and became one people 
with them, just as milk and water become mixed together. 1 
He gives no authority for these statements, though they espe- 
cially require to be well supported. The asserted absorption 
of the hypothetical descendants of Madoc may be only an 
expansion of Llwyd's remark ; but the extraordinary length 
of a voyage now accomplished in nine days involves consider- 
able difficulties, both nautical and alimentary ; and the 
specific duration assigned to a voyage from which no one 
ever returned, and of which there could scarcely be any re- 
cord, betrays the absence of critical discernment, and a remark- 
able unconsciousness of historical responsibility. 

Another significant contribution to these testimonies is 
made by Dr. Williams. ' From various concurrent evidences 
it appears that Madog was the Commander of his Fathers Fleet, 
which was so considerable as successfully to oppose that of 
England, at the mouth of the Menai (the channel between 
Carnarvonshire and the island of Anglesea), in the year 1142. 
This victory was celebrated by Gwalchmai, the son of Meilir, 

1 Drych y Prif Oesocdd, Spurrell's ed. 1854, p. 11. 



40 MADOC. 

in one of the most animated pieces of poetry to be found in 
any language. 

* It is very probable that Madoc hesitated which side to 
take in the dispute between his brothers about the succession, 
and at last determined to join neither, but resolved to with- 
draw himself; and, being Commander-in-Chief of the Fleet, 
he was able without delay to leave his native country. These 
circumstances will help us to account for his speedy departure, 
for, by all that appears, he sailed within about a year after 
his father's death.' l Dr. Williams gives as his authorities 
Caradoc's 'History of Wales,' p. 163, 4th ed. 1697; and 
Evans's ' Specimens of the Welsh Bards,' p. 125 (rede, 25), ed. 
1764. I have verified his references, but my copies of these 
works .make no mention of Madoc, in any capacity, in connec- 
tion with the battle of 1142 ; neither do they report it to 
have been a naval engagement. 

The latest and only subsequent testimony of an historical 
form is that of the Rev. R. W. Morgan. 

' On the death of Owen Gwynedd, his son Madoc, who 
had commanded his fleets, fitted out eight vessels and dis- 
covered America, A.D. 1160. He returned in 1164, and with 
a second fleet of eighteen vessels and three thousand of his 
countrymen, crossed the Atlantic and took possession of the 
throne and kingdom of Mexico. The family traditions of the 
Mexican royal family, when the Spaniards under Cortez in- 
vaded their country, clearly establish their extraction from 
Madoc and Britain.' 2 

It will be observed that this statement differs in several 
important points from any of the preceding ; but I know of 
no authority for them, and Mr. Morgan gives none. Hence 
it is, I presume, to be inferred that he got the number of 
ships and men from his imagination, and that he conceives 
his own assertion to be historic evidence. In terming Madoc 
1 Farther Observations, p. 49. 3 The British Kymry, p. 166. 



HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 41 

the commander of his father's fleet, he adopts the statement 
of Dr. Williams, that Madoc commanded at the battle of the 
Menai, for which there seems to be no real authority. 

Section III. TRAVELLERS' TALES. 

Having exhausted the list of historic statements, we come, 
in the next place, to an entirely different class of evidences. 

The discovery of America by Columbus led to subsequent 
expeditions, and ultimately to various settlements, by the 
Spaniards, Dutch, English, and French. While Spain took 
possession of the Southern part, England claimed North 
America, from the discovery of the two Cabots in 1498 ; and 
various settlements were made there in the years 1578, 1607, 
1620, 1630, 1632, 1663, and in 1680, in which year William 
Penn led a band of colonists to found Pennsylvania. 

While these momentous events were taking place, the 
Madoc narrative was often uppermost in the minds of the 
natives of the Principality ; and as the statements of Llwyd, 
Powel, Herbert, and Howell received implicit credence, Welsh- 
men, persons favourable to the English claims of prior dis- 
covery, and even learned foreigners, were not indisposed to 
find confirmations of their narratives on the American conti- 
nent itself. 

The first indubitable fact of this kind was the discovery 
made in 1519, by Hernando Cortes, in a temple on the island 
of Acusamil or Cozumel, near the Gulf of Mexico. Here he 
was amazed by the sight of a cross, of stone and lime, about 
ten palms high. 1 This discovery suggested many conjectures 
to the unlettered soldiers ; and European scholars, when the 
fact became known, made it the subject of frequent and learned 
discussions. The presence of a symbol supposed to be of 
Christian origin led to many speculations as to the character 

1 Prescott, Hist. Mc.rirn. vol. i. p. 228. 



42 



MADOC. 



of the American races ; a further acquaintance with the cere- 
monies of the Mexicans deepened the impression ; and learned 
men found among them traces of Baptism, the Trinity, the 
Lord's Supper, the Sabbath, and Hebrew Fasts. 1 Various 
interpretations were placed upon these coincidences ; some 
thought they might have been introduced by the Chinese or 
Japanese, and others conceived that the Lost Tribes of Israel 
had found their way to America ; but Humphrey Llwyd saw 
in them traces of Madoc ap Owen and his followers, and Dr. 
Williams drew the same inference. 2 

Other confirmations of the Cambrian narrative were con- 
ceived to be furnished in the State of Virginia, where it was 
believed that Madoc must have landed. ' The Virginians and 
Guatimalians, from ancient times, are said to have worshipped 
one Madoc as an hero.' This statement was made by Hornius, 
and professedly rested on the authority of Peter Martyr 
(Decade vii. c. 3), but I have not seen the original ; 3 and as 
the forms given to the names among the Guatimalians, 
according to the same authority (Decade viii. c. 5), are Matec 
Zungam and Mat Ingam* it is probable that these are the 
true forms of the Virginian name as well. Hornius held this 
to be a trace of the Kymric Madoc, and others have al- 
lowed his deduction. 5 Another writer identified Madoc ' and 
his wife,' of whom we now hear for the first time, with the 
Manco Capac and Mam/ma Ocello who figure in the traditions 

1 Hornius, De Origin. American, pp. 128, 278. 

2 Enquiry, p. 67. 

3 [The following is the passage referred to : ' Ad gelidas arctos & 
concretas niuibus regiones aiunt illas (scil. "animas post hanc vitam ") 
proficisci, expiarique apud regem terrarum dominum nomine^Matec 
Zunguse.' (Dec. vii. cap. iii. HakluyVs edit. Paris, 1587.)] 

4 [The form actually given by Peter Martyr is Malingeni ; e.g. 
4 Quid sit Malinges : . . . Malingem inuictum et potentein heroem 
appellant.' (Dec. viii. cap. 5, Hakluyt's edit.)] 

5 De Origin. American. Lib. iii. cap. 2, p. 136 ; quoted in Dr. 
"VVilliams's Enquiry, p. 18. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 43 

of the Deluge among the Peruvians. 1 And other traces of 
Madoc's name were visible to the eyes of faith in the names 
of the Indian tribes, the Mactotatas, or Matocautes, 2 the 
Padoucas, 3 and the Mandans. 4 Evidences of a monumental 
character were also cited in the same connection ; ancient 
wells, burial places, and encampments were found in the 
State of Kentucky, as well as ruined buildings and antique 
pottery ; 5 and upon the assumption that they could not be 
Indian remains, and that the aborigines could not manufacture 
pottery, they were held to warrant the inference, not only that 
Madoc had discovered America, but that he had landed in 
Florida. Some of these statements represent actual facts, 
but others are affirmed to be geological rather than archaeo- 
logical ; 6 and as to the validity of the inference, the reader 
must judge for himself. 

The language of the American aborigines was also held to 
favour the Kymric tradition. Bishop Nicholson believed that 
the Welsh language formed a considerable part of several of 
the American tongues ; 7 and the authority of a famous British 
antiquary 8 was erroneously quoted to show that the LI of the 
Spaniards was received from the Welsh through the medium 
of the Mexicans. 

Nor was this all. We have seen in the extracts from 
Powel, Herbert, Howell, and others, that Welsh words were 
said to be spoken in Mexico ; and as the rocks, rivers, and 

1 John Williams, Nat. Hist. Min. Kingdom, vol. ii. p. 410, quoted 
in Dr. Williams's Farther Observations, p. 25. 

2 lolo Morganwg, Gent. Mag. 1791, vol. ii. p. 613. 

3 W. Owen, ibid. vol. i. p. 329. 

4 Catlin's Letters and Notes on the North American Indians, 
vol. i. p. 206 ; vol. ii. p. 259. 

6 Filson, State of Kentucky, cited by Williams, Farther Observa- 
tions, p. 8. 

6 Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. ii. p. 919 (Routledge's edit.). 

7 Cited in Univ. Hist. vol. xx. p. 193. 

8 Llwyd, Breviary of Britain, p. 2. 



44 MADOC. 

animals of that country were thought to have British names, 
the question naturally arose, May not the descendants of Madoc 
and his followers still survive on the American continent ? 

This startling question soon received an affirmative reply. 
The views of Humphrey Llwyd, adopted and disseminated by 
Hakluyt, pointed to Florida and Virginia as the probable 
seat of the descendants of Madoc ; and there traces of them 
were reported to have been found. A man named David 
Ingram, a Scotchman apparently, 1 if we may judge from the 
name, travelled for eleven months among the Indians settled 
between Mexico and Virginia, and reported that he had dis- 
covered Indians who spoke the Welsh language. 2 Other 
persons reported themselves to have made the same discovery 
A conversation on the subject of Madoc's emigration, and the 
presumed survival of descendants of his, took place at the 
house of Mr. Thomas Price, of Llanvyllin, between himself 
and his relatives, Thomas and Charles Lloyd of Dolobran, in 
the course of which the host related that one Stedman, about 
1670, landed on the coast between Virginia and Florida, 
spoke to the Indians in their native language, and was in- 
formed by them that they had come ' from a country called 
Gwynedd in Prydain Fawr.' One Oliver Humphreys, also, 
told Charles Lloyd that he had conversed with Indians near 
Florida, and that their language was ' perfect Welsh.' 3 

The two Lloyds, as well as their cousin Price, influenced 
by the Cambrian History of Llwyd and Powel, and the re- 
ports of Stedman and Humphreys, were quite prepared to 
find descendants of Madoc's colony between Florida and 
Virginia ; and their expectations were soon destined to receive 
confirmation. The two Lloyds of Dolobran, which is in the 

1 [See p. 34, ante.] 

2 Hakluyt, Pt. iii. p. 557 (1st edit, 1589). 

s Letter of Charles Lloyd, see Appendix. The letter is dated Sept. 
14, 1704, and Stedman's adventure took place thirty years before. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 45 

parish of Meivod, Montgomeryshire, had been educated at 
Oxford ; and among their college friends was one Morgan 
Jones, a native of Basaleg or Maes Aleg, Monmouthshire. 
The latter became an Episcopalian, and accompanied a body 
of emigrants to America ; but the two Lloyds became con- 
verts to the doctrines of Richard Davies, of Cloddiau Cochion 
in the same county, the first Welsh Quaker ; and they suffered 
much for conscience sake in that age of bigoted intole- 
rance. The ' esquire,' Charles Lloyd, built a meeting-house 
on his estate near Coed Cowryd, which was still standing in 
1829 ; and both brothers naturally felt a keen interest in the 
colonial project of William Penn. Thomas Lloyd accom- 
panied Penn to America ; and, being held in great esteem, he 
in 1699 became the Governor of Pennsylvania, in which 
capacity he is honourably commemorated by the historian 
Bancroft. 

It would seem that Thomas Lloyd settled in the first place 
at New York, and there, at his own house, he renewed 
his acquaintance with the Rev. Morgan Jones. Being 
acquainted with the Cambrian tradition respecting Madoc, 
and mindful of the conversation at Llanvyllin, this naturally 
formed the subject of conversation, when Jones related an 
adventure which befell him about the same time as that of 
Stedman. Lloyd desired him to put the narrative in writing, 
which Jones accordingly did, then and there ; and to please 
his brother Charles, and his cousin Thomas Price, Lloyd sent 
the document to Wales addressed to the former. 1 

Two copies of Jones's narrative have appeared in print, one 
in the 'Gentleman's Magazine,' March 1740, and the other 
in Owen's ' British Remains,' 1777 (pp. 103-106). Whether 
they are two different copies, or one a variation, is uncertain. 
They differ, however, in several respects. The latter contains 
several passages which are absent from the former, and 
1 Letter of Charles Lloyd. 



46 MADOC. 

differs from it in dating Jones's adventure in 1669 instead of 
1660. It is also uncertain whether this variation was made 
by Owen to harmonise with a date given in the letter of the 
original copyist, Charles Lloyd. I incline to this supposition, 
and infer the date given by Jones to have been 1660 ; but 
Owen's transcript being the fullest, I have adopted that for a 
text, and have inserted the variations of the former as foot- 
notes. The transcript in the ' Gentleman's Magazine ' was 
furnished by the Rev. Theophilus Evans, author of ' Drych y 
Prif Oesoedd.' 

Jones's statement is here subjoined at length : 

' These presents may certify all persons whatsoever, That 
in the year 1669 a I being then an inhabitant in Virginia, and 
chaplain to Major-General Bennett, b Sir William Berkeley 
sent two ships to c search the place which then was called 
Port Royal, but now South Carolina, which is 60 leagues to 
the southward of Cape Fair ; and I was sent d thither with 
them to be their minister. 

' Upon the 8th of April we set out from Virginia, and 
arrived at the harbour's mouth of Port Royal the 19th of the 
same month, where we waited for the rest of the fleet that 
was to come e from Barbadoes and Bermudas with one Mr. 
West, who was to be Deputy Governor of the said place. As 
soon as the fleet came in, the small vessels that were with us 
went f up the river to a place called g Oyster-Point, h for we 
durst not go up with the great ships because of the bar of 
sand that was before the harbour's mouth. 

' After we were seated, I staid there between seven and 
eight months, till the 10th of November following ; at which 
time, 1 being almost starved for want of provisions, I and five 

1660. b Bennet of Mauseman County, the said Major Bennet 
and. c Port Eoyal, now called South Carolina. a therewith to be, 
&c. * sail. f sail'd * the Oyster Point. h The sentence ends with 
the word ' Point ' ; the remainder of it is omitted. ' There I continued 
about eight months, all which time. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 47 

more took our flight from thence, h and travelled through the 
wilderness till we came to the Tuscarora ( country, where m 
the Tuscarora n Indians took us prisoners, because we told 
them we were bound for Eoanoke, for they then had wars 
with the English at Roanoke ; and p they carried us into their 
town that night, and shut us up in a house q by ourselves, 1 " 
and the next day held a Macchcomoco 8 l * about us, which 
after it was over their interpreter came to us, and told us we 
must fit * ourselves to die next morning ; whereupon, being 
something cast-down," and speaking to this effect in the 
British tongue, " Have I escaped so many dangers, and must 
I now be knocked on the head like a dog ? " v an Indian 
came to me, who afterwards appeared to be a war-captain 
belonging to the Sachin w of the Doegs (whose original I 
found x must needs be from the Welsh y ), and took me up by 
the middle, and told me in the British tongue I should not 
die ; and thereupon went to the Emperor of the Tuscaroras,* 
and agreed for my ransom and the men that were with me, 
and paid it the next day. a Afterwards they 2 * carried us to 
their town, and entertained us civilly for four months, and I 
did converse with them of many things in the British tongue, b 
and did preach to them three times a week in the British 
tongue, and they would usually confer with me about any- 

k The words ' took our flight from thence and ' are absent. 
1 Tuscarara. m There. n Tuscarara. Roanok. p The clause to p 
is absent. q ' close ' instead of ' in a house.' T to our no small dread. 
* They enter'd into a consultation. ' prepare. u very much dejected. 
T There presently an Indian. w Sachim. x find. > Old Britons 
z Tuscorara. * The words ' and paid it the next day ' are absent. 
b They then welcomed us to their town and entertained us very civilly 
four months, during which time I had the opportunity of conversing with 
them familiarly in the British language. c the same language. 

1 * Macocomocock is the name of a river in North Carolina : does 
this word also signify ' consultation ' ? (T.S.) 
2 * Who : the Tuscaroras or the Doegs ? (T.S.) 



48 MADOC. 

thing that was difficult to them ; d and when we came from 
them they shewed themselves very civil and courteous. 6 

' They are seated upon Pantigo l * river, not far from Cape 
Atros. This is a recital f of my travels among theDoeg Indians. 2 * 

4 MORGAN JONES, 
1 New York, the son of John Jones of Basleg, g near 

c March 10, 168-|. Newport, in Monmouthshire.' h 

Who further added, by way of postscript, that he was 
very ready to conduct any Welshmen, or others, that desired 
further satisfaction. 1 

This surprising narrative was transmitted by Charles 
Lloyd ' to his cousin Edward Lhuyd, the philologist ; it was 
published in the ' Gentleman's Magazine' for March 1704, and 
again in 1740 ; it was given by Lhuyd to Dr. Plott, who read 
the substance of it before the Royal Society ; it was embodied 
in the ' British Remains ' 2 of the Rev. Nicholas Owen (1777) ; 

d therein. e at our departure they abundantly supply'd us with 
whatever was necessary to our support and well-being. f brief recital. 
* Basaleg. h County of Monmouth. ' P.S. I am ready to conduct 
any Welshmen or others to the country. 

l * Charles Lloyd says this word ' hath a British sound ' ; and Dr. 
Williams interpreted it to mean the ' bridge of the blacksmith ' Pont 
y gov. Theophilus Evans made it signify ' the fair hollow ' Pant-Teg ; 
and in 1740, having found there were no Welsh Indians on the river 
Pamlico (the proper form of the word), fixed the site of his Pant-Teg 
on th*> Missouri. 

2 * Charles Lloyd, in 1693, says that the Doegs ' in the new maps 
of the English Empire ' are placed, not in Carolina, but in Virginia. 

1 The account of the connection of the Lloyds of Dolobran with the 
statement of4he Rev. Morgan Jones is given on the authority of the 
late Eev. Walter Davies, Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, 1829 ; vol. i. 
pp. 440-1, and of the works undermentioned. 

2 ' British Remains ; or, a Collection of Antiquities relating to the 
Britons : Comprehending, . . . iv. An account of the Discovery of 
America by the Welsh more than 300 Years before the Voyage of 
Columbus. . . . By the Eev. N. Owen, Jun., A.M. London, 1777.' 

Dr. Plott's paper is here republished by Owen ; but it presents no 
features of interest. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 49 

and Dr. John Williams, of Sydenham, included it in his first 
essay on the Welsh Indians (1 790), the ' Enquiry,' to which we 
have so often referred. 1 

By the time Dr. Williams published his essay, statements 
of this kind had become very numerous, and also divergent, 
if not contradictory ; so that this writer found it necessary 
to include no less than five tribes, namely, the Doegs or 
Delawares, Tuscarores, another tribe left unnamed, the 
Padoucas, and the Pawnees, as Welsh Indians ; 2 but the 
common opinion, at all events a few years afterwards, was, 
that the descendants of Madoc, or the Madogwys, were more 
especially the Padoucas. 

The key-note having been thus struck, the Welsh Indians 
were found by many persons, and confirmations of the 
principal points of the preceding narrative were found in 
many forms and places. 

There is thus a large mass of testimony bearing upon this 
subject ; and it deserves consideration on grounds irrespective 
of its reference to Welsh Indians. If it be valid, it forms 
strong presumptive evidence of the truth of our native tradi- 
tion ; but if it be fictitious, it reveals an extraordinary amount 
of dishonesty and credulity, and deserves a prominent place 
in the history of popular delusions. I will therefore endea- 
vour to classify it, in accordance with its leading points, 
accepting the statements as they stand, without instituting 
any inquiry as to their authenticity. The various testimonies 
may thus be conveniently grouped under the following 
heads : 

I. Belief in Welsh Indians. 

II. Belief in White Indians. 

III. Indian Traditions. 

IV. Welsh-speaking Indians : 

1 An Enquiry <tc., ut sup. 

2 Enquiry, p. 50 ; Farther Observations, pp. 5, 7, 15, 20. 





50 MADOC. 

(a) Indirect evidence. 
(#) Direct statements. 

V. Sacred Books. 

VI. Topography ; Archaeology ; and Civil Usages. 

I. BELIEF IN WELSH INDIANS. A considerable number of 
persons living, or who had lived, in America, expressed their 
belief in the existence of Welsh Indians, but without assign- 
ing any reasons for their convictions. Among these were a 
Rev. Mr. Rankin, of Kentucky; Mr. William Prichard, a 
bookseller in Philadelphia ; the Mr. Filson already named ; 
the Rev. Morgan Jones, of Hammersmith, and a friend of his, 
the Rev. Morgan Edwards, of Pennsylvania ; and Dr. Samuel 
Jones, of the same place, who at the age of fifty-five declared 
his resolution to visit the Welsh Indians as soon as their 
location should be determined. 1 

II. WHITE INDIANS. Several persons spoke of the exist- 
ence of White or Welsh Indians ; and many of them conceived 
the terms to be convertible ; but others spoke of White Indians 
simply. A General Bowles knew Padoucas, or White Indians ; 
a Mr. Rimington said tolerably White Indians were to be met 
with on the Mississippi, Forks of the Ohio, &c. ; a Mr. Pond 
knew White Pawnees ; 2 the Moravian missionaries, and the 
Rev. Morgan Rees, had heard of, and believed there were 
White Indians ; 3 Lieutenant Ruxton speaks of Albinoes and 
a white tribe among the Pueblo and Navajo Indians ; 4 
General Clarke told Mr. Catlin that he would find the 
Mandans half-white ; and Mr. Catlin says he found them to 
be lighter in complexion than other Indians. 5 

1 Williams' Farther Observations, pp. 7, 8, 9, 43 ; Gent. Mag. 
Sept. 1791. 

a Farther Observations, pp. 3, 16, 36. 

8 Cambrian Register, vol. i. pp. 377, 379. 

* Adventures in Mexico and the Rocky Mountains (London : 1849), 
p. 195. 

8 Catlin, North American Indians, vol. i. pp. 93, 94. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 51 

So far there is a unity of testimony ; bat there is a little 
discrepancy as to the colour of the hair. General Bowles said, 
some of the ' White Padoucas ' had sandy, some red, and 
some l black hair ; and Captain Stewart said the hair of the 
white Indians was mostly reddish ; 2 but Mr. Catlin says that 
red hair is wholly unknown among the Indians ; and that 
General Clarke received from the Minatarees the name ' Red 
Hair,' because that was an unexampled thing in their 
country. 3 Another witness, a brother of the Rev. Morgan 
Jones of Hammersmith, reports a friend of his to have seen 
' copper-coloured ' Indians, from the Arctic regions, with white 
bear skins, who conversed in Welsh with a Welshman at 
Mazores on the Ohio. 4 

III. INDIAN TRADITIONS. Montezuma is reported to have 
said, in a speech professing to have been found in Spanish 
in Mexico, that his race came from ' a far distant Northern 
nation, whose tongue and manners we yet have partly pre- 
served ; ' and Dr. Williams thinks he referred to Britain. 5 
Captain Stewart states that he found (in 1776) on the ' small 
river Post,' near the Red River (in Texas ? ) a white and mostly 
reddish-haired tribe ; that a Welshman named John Davey, 
who accompanied him, said he understood their language ifc 
being but little different from the Welsh ; that Davey went 
with him to the chief men of the toicn ; and that they 
informed Davey in a language unknown to him (Stewart), 
that their forefathers came from a foreign country, and landed 
on the east of the Mississippi, describing particularly the 
country now called Florida, and that on the Spaniards taking 
possession of Mexico, they fled to their then abode. 6 

1 Williams, Farther Observations, p. 4. 

2 Williams, Enquiry, p. 47, from the Public Advertiser, Oct. 8, 1785. 

3 Catlin, op. cit., vol. i. pp. 94, 187. 

4 Y Great, neu Eurgraum, 1800, p. 16. 

5 Farther Observations, p. 33. 

6 Cited by Williams, Enquiry, pp. 47-48. 

E2 



52 MADOC. 

This tradition, it will be observed, rests on the authority 
of Davey ; and it has the merit of being in harmony with the 
Cambrian tradition, which he may have known ; but it repre- 
sents the Indians to have committed the folly of taking alarm 
when the Spaniards were far to the South, and to have sought 
safety by flying towards them. Other reports coincide with 
the above. A Captain Drummond was informed by the only 
descendant of Montezuma then living, that his forefathers 
came from ' a distant land,' which that officer considered to 
be Britain ; J and other Mexican chiefs, in negotiating with 
Sir John Hawkins, in the time of Elizabeth, are reported to 
have considered themselves to have been descended from 
Ancient Britons. 2 One Benjamin Sutton, as reported by a 
missionary named Beatty, 3 noticed that the Delaware women 
kept apart seven days from the males, at certain times, as 
prescribed in the Mosaic law ; and learnt from some of the 
old men that they knew not for a certainty how they came to 
the American Continent, but they came to their habitations 
on the Delaware river under the following circumstances. A 
king of their nation left his kingdom to his two sons ; that 
one made war upon the other ; and that the defeated party 
resolved to seek a new habitation ; that after wandering for 
forty years, he and his followers settled on that river, 370 
years before Button's visit to them a few years before 1766 ; 
and that they kept this account by placing a bead of wampum 
on a belt every year. Dr. Williams was doubtful whether 
this had reference to Madoc, or was a confused tradition of 
the wanderings of the Israelites in the wilderness. But a 

1 Williams, Farther Observations, p. 30. 

3 This is Dr. Williams' version, Observations, p. 33. 

* Journal of a Two Months' Tou/r with a, view of Promoting Re- 
ligion, by Charles Beatty, A.M. London : 1768. Quoted by the Rev. 
George Burder in a pamphlet dated, London, 1787, and addressed to 
the Missionary Society ; and also by Dr. Williams, in his Enquiry, 
p. 45. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 53 

letter written by Charles Lloyd, of Dolobran, furnishes far 
more positive evidence. The letter is dated ' 8 in. I4id. 3 / 4 ,' 
170f or 1705 ; and in it he says, on the authority of a friend, 
that some thirty years before the date of this letter, i.e. in 
1674 or 1675, one Stedman, a native of Breconshire, was off 
the coast of America, supposed by Mr. Lloyd to be between 
Virginia and Florida, in a Dutch vessel, when the natives 
refused to let them land to obtain water, but he, understanding 
their language, made the fact known, and the Indians then 
treated them courteously. They then informed him that they 
came from a country called Gimjnedd (North Wales) in Prydain 
Fawr (Great Britain). 1 This is perfectly explicit ; but Dr. 
Williams thinks the Indians could not have named ' Great 
Britain,' as that designation only prevailed after the accession 
of James I., in 1603 ; or else that they were descendants of 
a new colony, settled after the accession of the Stuarts ; but 
his preference for this alternative was unreasonable, for Welsh- 
men would scarcely sink down into Indians in half a century ; 
and therefore he ought to have accepted Stedman's evidence 
as it stood. 

Nor is this all ; for a Mr. Binon, an Indian trader (of 
whom more hereafter), 2 is reported to have said that some 
Indians whom he visited not only affirmed that their ancestors 
came from Wales, though they knew not in what part of the 
world it was ; but also that they had revived the relationship 
in America, and that ' thirty or forty of them sometimes 
visited the Ancient Britons settled on the Welsh Track in 
Pennsylvania.' 3 Again, in 1801, an Indian chief told Lieu- 
tenant Roberts that the traditions of his country referred the 

1 Inserted in Owen's British Remains, and cited in Williams' 
Enquiry, p. 34. 

2 Post, p. 60. 

3 Williams, Farther Observations, pp. 12, 13. 



54 MADOC. 

origin of his tribe to the East ; but he had never heard of 
Wales, though he spoke Kymraeg. 1 

IV. WELSH-SPEAKING INDIANS. A considerable number 
of persons affirm that they had either spoken Welsh to Indians 
who spoke and understood that language, or that they had 
heard what they were told was Welsh spoken between Indians 
and Welshmen. 

(a) Indirect Evidence. To the latter class we must assign 
the evidence of the majority of the persons named in this 
connection. 

1. Messrs. Beatty and Duffield, sent by the Synod of New 
York and Philadelphia, in 1766, to visit Pennsylvania and 
the Indians on that frontier, fell in with three persons, named 
Hicks, Joseph, and Sutton. Levi Hicks had been a captive 
with the Indians from his youth, and he informed these mis- 
sionaries that when attending an embassy he had been in a 
town of Indians, on the west side of the Mississippi river, the 
inhabitants of which talked ' Welsh,' as he was told, for he did 
not understand them. 2 

2. The interpreter of the missionaries, by name Joseph, 
said he saw some Indians whom he supposed to be of the same 
tribe, who talked ' Welsh,' and he repeated some of their 
words, which ' he knew to be Welsh,' as he had been ac- 
quainted with some Welsh people. 3 

3. Benjamin Sutton saw some Indians on the west side 
of the Mississippi, a considerable distance above New Orleans, 
who were less tawny than other Indians, and who spoke Welsh. 
Sutton does not appear to have known Welsh himself, and this 
assertion seems to be an inference from what he afterwards 
heard and saw, in a town called the Lower Shawanaugh. 
Here there was a captive Welshman named Lewis, and Sutton 

1 Y Greal (1805), p. 228 ; see post, p. 61. 

2 Beatty, op. cit., quoted in Williams' Enquiry, p. 42. 

3 Ibid. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 55 

heard some of those Trans-Mississippian Indians speaking 
Welsh to and with him. 1 One Eichard Burnell, as reported 
by Edward Williams (lolo Margaaiwg), knew ' this Mr. Lewis 
who saw those Welsh Indians at a Congress among the 
Chickasaws, with whom and the Natch es they were in 
alliance.' 2 Here the whole force of the evidence seems to rest 
on an assumption that Lewis, being a Welshman, must have 
spoken Welsh. There is no direct proof that Lewis himself 
said that what he had spoken was Welsh, or that those he 
spoke to understood Kymraeg. 

4. This Mr. Burnell went to America in 1763, and 
returned on the outbreak of the war in 1775. Many 
' Ancient Britons ' at Philadelphia informed him that the 
Welsh Indians were known to many in Pennsylvania ; and 
he knew a very rich Quaker named Willin or Willain, who 
had placed settlers on a large extent of ground in the district 
of the Natches. He assured Mr. Burnell that among his 
colony were two Welshmen, who perfectly understood the 
Indians, and conversed with them for hours together ; that 
these Welshmen had often assured him (Willin) that the 
Indians spoke the Welsh language, and that some of the 
Indians were settled in those parts, some on the west of the 
Mississippi in several places, and some in very remote parts. 3 
Mr. Burnell had a son named ' Cradog ' settled at Buck's 
Island, near Augusta, in the State of Georgia. He is said to 
have been a c capital trader,' to have read and written Welsh 
well, and, in the judgment of the father, ' probably ' knew 
more of these Welsh Indians than any man then living; 4 but 
' probable ' evidence is inadmissible. 

5. Sir John Caldwell, Bart., an English officer serving 
in the American War, said he had some Welshmen in 

1 Beatty, op. cit., quoted in Williams' Enquiry, p. 41. 

2 Williams, Farther Observations, p. 13. 

3 Ibid. p. 13. 4 Ibid. pp. 14. 15. 



56 MADOC. 

his company. They knew the Panis or Pawnees, under- 
stood the language of those Indians, and affirmed it to be 
Welsh. 1 

6. Another officer (not named by Dr. Williams), who had 
been stationed at Illinois, said that an Indian nation called 
the Mud Indians, which came down the Missouri, spoke a 
guttural language, which some Welshmen in his regiment 
pronounced to be Welsh. 2 Mrs. Campbell, 3 in her ' Tales 
about Wales,' imputes this statement to a Captain Davies ; 4 
but as he was captain of a ship called the ' Albion,' from 
Trevdraeth, Pembroke, it is difficult to conceive that he was 
the person here alluded to. 

. 7. A Mr. Gibson, a trader, told Mr. Kennedy, a gentleman 
who was in London in 1791, that he had been among Indians 
who spoke Welsh. This seems, at the first glance, to be 
positive and personal evidence ; but he immediately adds that 
he had conversed at different times with very many others, 
who assured him that there was such a people ; 5 and hence 
we are led to suspect that he did not himself understand 
Welsh. Hence, instead of spoke, we are to read were said to 
speak Welsh. 

8. Filson, the historian of Kentucky, makes a similar 
statement, on the authority of an American captain. Writing 
in 1784, he says : ' Of late years the Western settlers have 
received frequent accounts of a nation at a great distance up 
the Missouri, in manner and appearance resembling other 
Indians, but speaking Welsh, and retaining some ceremonies 

1 Williams, Farther Observations, pp. 14, 15. 2 Ibid. p. 18. 

3 This lady, the widow of Captain Robert Campbell, cousin of the 
poet, published a very interesting little volume, entitled Tales about 
Wales, by a Lady of the Principality, in which the Welsh Indians find 
a place. A second issue was edited, in 1837, by Captain Basil Hall, 
and is that quoted here. 

4 Page 115. 

& Williams, Farther Observations, p. 87. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 57 

of the Christian worship : and at length this is universally 
believed to be a fact. Captain Abraham Chaplain, of Ken- 
tucky, a gentleman whose veracity may be depended upon 
assured me that in the late war, being with his company in 
garrison at Kaskaski, some Indians came there, and, speakin 
the Welsh language, were perfectly understood, and con- 
versed with, by two Welshmen in his company; and that 
they informed them of their situation as mentioned above.' 1 

9. The Rev. Morgan Jones, of Pennsylvania, said that, 
about the year 1750, a friend of his had been visited by an 
Indian who knew a little Welsh, and who said he knew a 
nation a great way beyond the Mississippi, who spoke that 
language. 2 

10. Two Cherokee chiefs, General Bowles (by birth an 
Irishman) and a Mr. Price, when in London on a mission, 
made similar statements to Mr. Edward Williams. The 
general had a Welshman with him for some time, who had 
been a prisoner among the Spaniards, and had worked in the 
Mexican mines. Making his escape, he came among the 
Padoucas, and was able to converse with them. 3 This does 
not amount to an explicit statement that the Padoucas spoke 
Kymraeg ; but the general understood the Welshman to say 
so. Mr. Price did not know Welsh, but said that his father 
did, and that the latter had often conversed with the Padoucas 
in that language. 4 

11. In all these cases, except perhaps in the case of Lewis, 
the names of the Welshmen are not given ; but in that of 
Captain Stewart we have the name of John Davey. This is 
a Welsh name ; and the statement of Stewart was doubtless 
made in good faith ; and we have only one of two alternatives 

1 Cited in Williams' Farther Observations, p. 9, and Burder's 
pamphlet, p. 21. 

2 Ibid. p. 10. 

3 Williams, Farther Observations, p. 5. * Ibid. p. 7. 



58 MADOC. 

to adopt, assuming that Davey was equally honest, viz. either 
that he deceived himself, or that the Indians really spoke 
Welsh ; but the proof adduced by Davey, in the form of 
'parchment' which he could not read, is not conclu- 
sive. 1 

12. The statement made by a Mr. Rimington, an English 
interpreter, seems equally circumstantial, but is not really so. 
He saw strange Indians at the forks of the Ohio ; but on his 
saying that he did not understand them, a companion said : 
' O ! they are the Welsh Indians.' A Welshman named Jack 
Hughes being sent for, understood them well, and became 
their interpreter while they remained there. 2 This is not 
equivalent to a similar statement made by Jack Hughes 
himself. 

(/3) We come now to our second division that of direct 
statements. 

1. The testimony of Stedman has been already given. 3 

2. An English privateer or pirate, while careening his 
vessel near Florida, learnt what he thought was an Indian 
language ; but, coming in contact with Oliver Humphreys, a 
merchant at Surinam, the latter pronounced it to be Welsh. 4 

3. The statement of the Rev. Morgan Jones, of New York, 
has been already laid before the reader. 5 

4. A clergyman from Britain, supposed by Burder and 
Dr. Williams to be the same person as the Rev. Morgan 
Jones, was taken prisoner by the Indians, and sentenced to 
death ; but on his praying in Welsh, they were surprised to 
hear their own language, released him from bondage, and 

1 Williams, Enquiry, p. 48 ; Burder, p. 81 [see post, p. 641. 

2 Williams, Farther Observations, p. 16; Analectic Magazine 
(Philadelphia), vol. ii. p. 410. 

3 Ante, p. 44. 

4 Keported by Charles Lloyd, Esq., published in Owen's British 
Remains, and cited by Dr. Williams, Enquiry, p. 34 

5 Ante, pp. 46^48. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 59 

treated him very kindly. 1 All these statements have reference 
to the Indians of Florida. 

5. A similar statement was made by a Mr. Childs, an 
American gentleman, respecting a Welshman named Morris 
Griffiths, who, being a prisoner among the Shawnees, went 
with five young men of that tribe, about 1760, to explore the 
sources of the Missouri. Having ascended that river a very 
long way, they fell in with a race of White Indians, who, 
deeming them to be spies, resolved to put them to death; but 
Griffiths, overhearing their deliberations, and understanding 
their language, which was Welsh, spoke to them in that 
tongue; and thereupon he and his companions were released, 
and treated very courteously. After a stay of eight months, 
he returned to Roanoke. 

This narrative also presents a striking resemblance to 
those of Mr. Jones and the nameless clergyman. Like them, 
Griffiths was taken prisoner, doomed to death, and released 
on speaking Welsh ; like Mr. Jones, the hero of the tale, he 
had five companions ; and, like Mr. Jones, he made for 
Roanoke. 2 

6. A statement to the same effect is made by Dr. Williams. 
1 In Glamorgan and Monmouthshire especially, there are now 
living several old people, who have often heard of these Welsh 

1 Beatty, op. cit., Border, p. 31, and Williams' Enquiry, p. 43. 

2 This narrative was written on the authority of Mr. Childs, who 
knew Griffiths, by Mr. Henry Toulmin, son of a Dr. Toulmin of Exeter, 
who, on leaving for America, promised to write if he heard of the 
Welsh Indians. It was published in two American papers, the 
Kentucky Palladium, Dec. 12, 1804, and the Eastern Argus, Feb. 8, 
1805. From the latter it was republished in Nicholson's Journal of 
Natural Philosophy, vol. xii. p. 181, with additional remarks and 
conjectures by the editors ; and hi the London Volunteer, April 28, 
1805 ; and was thence translated into Welsh. This Welsh translation 
was published in the Greal, 1805-6, republished in the Iforydd for 
April 1842 ; and again republished in 1859, in the Ymofynydd for 
January, and the Brytlwn for March. 



60 MADOC. 

Indians, some who have actually been among them. Many, 
daring the last hundred years, from those parts went to 
America, and becoming acquainted with some of those Welsh 
tribes, sent accounts of them to their friends in Wales.' l 
Our author, however, confines himself to these general terms ; 
but one of the ' some,' and possibly the principal one, was, it 
is probable, the person to be named in the next para- 
graph. 

7. About the year 1790, there lived at Coetty, in 
Glamorganshire, an eccentric old gentleman named Binon or 
Bindon, who is still (1858) remembered in the neighbourhood 
as a rigid vegetarian. He had left Wales very young, and 
remained away in America for upwards of thirty years. 
There he followed the occupation of an Indian trader from 
Philadelphia. Edward Williams (lolo Morganwg) happening 
to be in his company, asked if he knew anything of the Welsh 
Indians ; and Binon replied that about 1750, being one of a 
party of five or six traders, they penetrated much farther than 
usual into the remote parts of the Continent (westwards), far 
beyond the Mississippi, when, to their great surprise, they 
found a nation of Indians who spoke the Welsh tongue. 2 
Another remark strengthened this statement; for not only 
did the Indians speak Welsh, but they also spoke it, said 
Mr. Binon, 3 ' with much greater purity than we speak it in 
Wales.' f They gave Mr. Binon a very kind reception, but 
were very suspicious of his English companions, and took 
them for Spaniards or Frenchmen, with whom they seemed 
to be at war ; but Mr. Binon soon removed their doubts, on 
which a friendly intercourse ensued.' 4 To mistake clean- 

1 "Williams, Farther Observations, p. 19. 

2 Ibid. p. 11. 

* Edward Williams, Gentleman's Magazine, 1791, vol. ii., p. 213. 
Dr. Williams omits this remark. 

* Ibid. op. cit. ; Burder, p. 17. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 61 

shaved Englishmen for bearded ' mounseers ' and garlic- 
scented hidalgoes does not tally with what is commonly said 
of Indian penetration, and seems to indicate that Mr. Binon 
had heard or read of Morgan Jones's narrative, and was here 
using a current formula. 

8. The same remark, as to the purity of the Indian 
Kymraeg, is made by another person, one Mr. or Lieutenant 
Joseph Roberts, a native of Flintshire ; and as his letter is a 
curiosity, I insert it entire, leaving the reader to form his 
own judgment as to the veracity of the allegations therein 
made : 

' In the year 1801, when I was at Washington in America, 
I happened to be in a hotel smoking my pipe, according to 
the custom of the country ; and there was a young lad (a 
native of Wales), a waiter in the house, who displeased me by 
bringing me a glass of brandy and warm water, instead of 
cold. I said to him jocosely, in Welsh, " Mi dy lainiav di y 
myn d I ! " (i.e. " I will thrash thee, per diavolo ! "). 

1 There happened to be at the time in the same room one 
of the secondary princes (tywysogion iselradd) of the Indians, 
who rose up hastily, and asked me in Kymraeg, extending 
his hand at the same time : " Ai dyna dy iaith di ? " (" Is that 
thy language ?") I, shaking hands, said it was ; and the Prince 
said it was his language also, and the language of his father 
and mother, and also the language of his nation. " So," said 
I, " it is the language of my father, mother, and country also." 
Thereupon the Indian began to inquire whence I had come. 
I answered that it was from Cambria (Kymru) ; but he had 
never heard a word of such a place (sic). I told him that 
Kymru was a principality in the kingdom called Lloegr 
(England). He had heard of Lloegr, and of the Saxons also ; 
but he had never heard of Kymru. I asked him if there were 
any traditions among them, as to whence their ancestors had 
come, and he answered that there were, and that they came 



62 MADOC. 

from a far country, far in the East, and across the great 
waters. 

' I conversed with him in Welsh and English. He knew 
Kymraeg better than I did ; and at my request, he counted 
rapidly, in Kymraeg, a hundred or more. He knew English 
well also ; because he traded so much with the Saxons of 
America. Among other things I asked him, how they came 
to retain their language so well from being mixed with the 
language of other Indians. He replied, that they had in 
their country a custom or law, forbidding any of them to 
teach any other language to their children, until they were 
fully twelve years old ; but after that age they might learn 
any language they pleased. 

' I asked him if he would like to go to Lloegr and Kyuiru. 
He replied that he had not the least inclination to leave his 
native country, and that he preferred living in a n-igwam, that 
is, a cot, to a palace. 

' He had ornamented his bare arms with bracelets, and on 
his head were ostrich feathers. I was astonished and startled 
greatly, when I saw and heard a man who had painted his 
face a yellowish red, and who appeared in such a form, speaking 
the old Kymric language as freely and fluently as if he had 
been born and bred among the rocks of Snowdon. His hair 
was shaved off, excepting around the crown of his head ; but 
there it was somewhat long, and neatly plaited ; and upon 
the crown he ha,d placed the ostrich feathers, of which I have 
spoken, to adorn himself. 

' The situation of these Indians is about 800 miles to the 
South-West of Philadelphia, said he ; and they are commonly 
called Acquaws, or the Asquaw nation. 

' This prince loved my society greatly, seeing that we had 
sprung from the same race. He was accustomed to call upon 
me almost daily, and to take me to the woods to show me the 
virtues of the various leaves that grew there, and which were 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 63 

best to cure various kinds of disease, because neither he nor 
his nation knew any other medicine. 

JOSEPH ROBERTS, 
formerly of Penardd Lag (Hawarden), Flintshire.' ' 

This is tolerably stiff testimony, and may appropriately 
close this class of evidences. The editor of the Great, in 
which the letter seems to have been first published, thought 
the Asquaws were a distinct tribe, and but few in number, as 
compared with the main body about the sources of the Mis- 
souri. 

The purity of Indian Kymraeg is mentioned by Dr. 
Richards of Lynn, Norfolk, on the authority of a Kentucky 
correspondent. 2 

In conclusion, I might also add the statement of an anony- 
mous writer, who professes to have the authority of Mr. John 
T. Roberts, who went to St. Louis in 1819 in search of Welsh 
Indians, that while this gentleman was at that town he heard 
an American who was filling him a cask of whiskey use two 
Welsh words, viz., digon, for ' enough,' and neisiau, for ' want- 
ing ; ' and that, on being asked if he knew they were Welsh, 
the American said he did not, but that they were used in 
these senses by the Cherokee Indians. But as this is at 
variance with Mr. Roberts's own statements, the assertion may 
be thought to want authority. 3 

V. SACRED BOOKS. A considerable number of persons 

1 This was written from Eoberts's dictation to a number of Kymry 
in London, in 1805, and signed by him. It was then published in the 
Great, a Welsh magazine, 1805-6, p. 228. My translation diners a 
little from the version given by Mrs. Campbell, Tales about Wales, 
pp. 112-114, which she had from Dr. Pnghe. See also Seren Gomer, 
1819, p. 5. 

2 ' A Welchman, that was in the camp, could talk with them ; but 
they exceeded him, as not being so corrupt in their language.' Gent. 
Mag., June 1791. 

3 Cambro-Briton, iii. p. 435. 



64 MADOC. 

speak with more or less distinctness of Sacred Books said to 
have been preserved among the Welsh Indians. John Davey, 
to convince Captain Stewart that the Indians he saw were 
Welsh, brought forth rolls of parchment, which were care- 
fully tied up in otter skins, on which were large characters 
written with blue ink. ' The characters,' says the Captain, 
' I did not understand ; and the Welshman being unacquainted 
with letters, even of his own language, I was not able to know 
the meaning of the writing.' l 

2. General Bowies' Welsh informant gave fuller testimony. 
' The Padoucas,' he says, ' had several books, which were 
religiously preserved in skins, and were considered by them 
as mysteries. These they believed gave an account of their 
origin. They had not seen a white man like themselves, who 
was a stranger, for a long time.' 2 

3. This belief becomes a certainty in the evidence of 
another witness, who says that about 40 N. latitude, and 
45 (of Philadelphia, or 115 Greenwich) W. longitude, there 
was a tribe of Americans, said to possess curious MSS. about 
an island called Brydon, whence their ancestors came. Their 
language resembles the Welsh ; their religion is a compound 
of Christianity and Druidism ; they know the use of letters, 
and are fond of music and poetry. They call themselves 
Brydanes, and are generally believed to be the descendants of 
some wandering Britons, who were expelled from hence about 
the time of the Saxons, and were carried by wind and current 
to the great western continent, into the heart of which they 
have been driven by the successive encroachments of modern 
settlers. 3 

1 Public Advertiser, Oct. 8, 1785. Mr. Border thinks the MS. 
may have been a Greek Bible. Williams's Enquiry, p. 48. 

2 Gent. Mag. 1791, vol. i. p. 397 ; Williams' Farther Observations, 
p. 5 ; Burder, p. 9. 

3 Gentleman's Magazine, Oct. 1828. The original has simply 
45 W. longitude ; ' and Mr. Woodward (History of Wales, p. 331, 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 65 

4. Mr. Binon speaks to a similar effect. The Indians he 
visited showed him a book in manuscript, which they care- 
fully kept, believing it to contain the mysteries of religion. 
They told him that it was not long since a man had been 
among them who understood it. This man, whom they 
esteemed a prophet, told them that a people would some time 
visit them, and explain the mysteries of the book, which would 
make them completely happy. They very anxiously asked 
Mr. Binon if he understood it ; and, being answered in the 
negative, appeared very sad, and earnestly desired him to 
send one to them who could explain it. 1 There is a little 
discrepancy between this statement and that of General 
Bowles ; but perhaps the next paragraph may furnish an 
explanation. 

5. Sutton, Mr. Beatty's informant, saw a book among tho 
Indians, carefully wrapped in skins, which he supposed to be 
a Bible. The clergyman mentioned by Mr. Beatty is re- 
ported to have spoken more explicitly. He was shown a 
book, which he found to be a Bible, but which they could not 
read ; ' and if I mistake not,' says the missionary, ' my ability 
to read it tended to raise their regard for me.' 2 Dr. Williams 
says it were to be wished that this book, or a copy of it, could 
be procured ; but if this gentleman be identified with the 
Rev. Morgan Jones, it must be observed that the silence of 
the latter raises a difficulty as to the existence of the book ; 
and another difficulty arises from the evidence of the next 
witness. 

note) thinks this should be 115. It is probable that the longitude 
from Philadelphia was intended ; for Mr. Thomas Roberts (Great, 1805, 
p. 40) locates the Welsh Indians at the sources of the Missouri, between 
40 and 44 N. latitude, and in longitude 105 or 110 W. of London, 
or between 45 and 50 W. of Philadelphia. 

1 Gentleman's Magazine, 1791, vol. ii. p. 613 ; Burder, p. 17 ; 
Williams, Farther Observations, p. 11. 

3 Beatty, p. 24 ; Burder, p. 24; Williams, Enquiry, p. 43. 

F 



66 MADOC. 

6. A gentleman who signed himself ' J. J., Cheapside, 
January 28, 1792,' and who had lived upwards of twenty years 
at New Orleans and on the banks of the Mississippi, believed 
in the existence of ' Welch or White Indians,' having been 
often assured of the fact by traders who had no inducement to 
speak untruth on this head. He knew an Illinois merchant who 
said there was not the smallest doubt as to their being ' white- 
bearded Indians,' as they were called by the French, and that 
they consisted of thirty-two villages or towns ; and he was a 
near relation of a Mr. Chisholm, who had been in their country, 
which was a thousand miles from Illinois. When Mr. Chis- 
holm was introduced to the chief of the Padouca nation, he 
was received with much solemnity, owing to his being of 
white complexion, and being deemed, as he thought, an angel 
of God. His hands and feet were washed, by order of the 
chieftain, who appeared much advanced in years, his hair 
being long and perfectly white. 1 And this aged man, who, 
with his two sons, had been in captivity among the Cherokees, 
had in his possession an old manuscript on vellum, very 
dingy, which appeared to be an old Romish missal. Mr. 
Chisholm wished to take it to Philadelphia for the purpose of 
finding someone who could read it ; but the old man would 
not let it go out of his hands, for he preserved it as a precious 
relic. 2 

7. The silence of the Rev. Morgan Jones, and the dis- 
crepant testimony of Mr. Chisholm, might be thought un- 
favourable to the ' Bible ' story ; but it is supported by other 
persons. Captain Davies, already mentioned, 3 says that the 
Mud Indians, so called because they only descended the 
Missouri when it was flooded, and whom he heard conversing 

1 Griffith Williams in Gentleman's Magazine, 1792, vol. li. p. 597. 

2 Mrs. Campbell, Tales about Wales, p. 116; on the authority of 
the MSS. of Dr. \V. Owen Pughe. 

3 Ante, p. 56. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 67 

in Welsh with Welshmen on the Illinois, had among them a 
manuscript Welsh Bible. 1 

8. A letter dated 'Winchester (America?), August 24, 
1753,' written by a Mr. or Colonel Crochan or Cochran, and 
addressed to Mr. Dinwiddie, Governor of Virginia, may be 
cited to the same effect. 

This letter has a prominent place among the evidences in 
favour of the Welsh Indians. The original is supposed to lie 
at the British Museum ; but whether it does so or not, I do 
not know. Copies of it, however, were repeatedly taken. A 
copy was made by Dr. Morton, of the British Museum, at the 
request of Mr. Maurice Morgan, Under-Secretary of State, 
for the inspection of Lord Shelbiirne, when Colonial Secretary 
in Rockingham's Administration in 1763-5. Another copy, 
dated March 27, 1766, occurs among the papers of the Eev. 
Evan Evans (leuan Brydydd Hir), having been taken by Dr. 
James Phillips, Rector of Llangoedmor, Cardiganshire, for a 
Dr. Worthington. And another copy how obtained does not 
appear was supplied by the Rev. W. Richards, of Lynn, to 
Mr. William Owen, who published it in the ' Gentleman's 
Magazine' for June 1791. The letter is here given in 

full: 

' Winchester: August 24, 1753. 

' MAY IT PLEASE YOUR HONOUR, Last year I understood, 
by Col. Lomax, that your Honour would be glad to have 
some information of a nation of people settled to the West, 
on a large river that runs to the Pacific Ocean, commonly 
called the Welch Indians. As I had an opportunity of 
gathering some account of those people, I make bold, at the 
instance of Col. Cressup, to send you the following accounts. 
As I formerly had an opportunity of being acquainted with 
several French traders, and particularly with one that was 

1 Williams, Farther Observations, p. 18. Mrs. Campbell (p. 115) 
gives the Captain's evidence without any reference to this MS. 

F 2 



68 MADOC. 

bred up from his infancy amongst the Western Indians, on 
the west side of the Lake Erie, he informed me that the first 
intelligence the French had of them was by some Indians 
settled at the back of New Spain, who, in their way home, 
happened to lose themselves and fell down upon this settle- 
ment of people, whom they took to be French, by their 
talking very quick ; so, on their return to Canada, they in- 
formed the Governor that there was a large settlement of 
French on a river that ran to the sun's setting ; that they 
were no Indians, although they lived within themselves as 
Indians, for they could not perceive that they traded with any 
people, or had any trade to sea, for they had no boats or ships 
as they could see ; and though they had guns amongst them, 
yet they were so old and so much out of order, that they made 
no use of them, but hunted with their bows for the support of 
their families. 

' On this account the Governor of Canada determined to 
send a party to discover whether they were French or not, 
and had 300 men raised for that purpose. But when they 
were ready to go, the Indians would not go with them, but 
told the Governor that if he sent but a few men, they would 
go and show them the country ; on which the Governor sent 
three young priests, who dressed themselves in Indian dresses, 
and went with those Indians to the place where those people 
were settled, and found them to be Welch. They brought 
some old Welsh Bibles to satisfy the Governor that they were 
there ; and they told the Governor that these people had a 
great aversion to the French ; for they found by them that 
they had been settled at the mouth of the river Mississippi, 
but had been almost cut off by the French there. So that a 
small remnant of them escaped back to where they were then 
settled, but had since become a numerous people. The 
Governor of Canada, on this account, determined to raise an 
army of French Indians to go and cut them off; but as the 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 69 

French have been embarrassed in war with several other 
nations nearer home, I believe they have laid that project 
aside. The man who furnished me with this account told me 
that the messengers who went to make this discovery were 
gone sixteen months before they returned to Canada, so that 
those people must live at a great distance from thence to the 
West. 

' This is the most particular account I ever could get of 
those people as yet. 

' I am, your Honour's 

' Most obedient humble servant, 

(Signed) ' GEORGE CHROCHAN.' ' 

A postscript states further that 'Governor Dinwiddie 
agreed with three or four of the back traders to go in quest 
of the Welsh Indians, and promised to give them 500. for 
that purpose ; but he was recalled before they could set out on 
that expedition.' 

This completes the evidence in favour of the sacred books, 
and is now left to the consideration of the reader. 

VI. TOPOGRAPHY, ARCH^OLOG/, AND CIVIL USAGES. 
Another class of evidences used in this connection consists 
of the topography and archaeology of Aboriginal America, 
and of the arts said to be known to the Wliite or Welsh 
Indians, who, whether rightly or wrongly, are assumed very 
generally to be identical. 

1. Topography. 'It is observable,' says Dr. Williams, 
' that the names of Indian tribes, and of places in those parts 
occupied by Welsh Indians, very much resemble, and seem 
derived from, the ancient British.' 2 But he does not give 
any examples. 

2. Archaeology. Filson,the Rev. Mr. Rankin, and another 

1 Gentleman's Magazine, June 1791 ; Burder, p. 11 ; Williams, 
Farther Observations, p. 22. 

a Farther Observations, p. 19. 



70 MADOC. 

clergyman speak of wells, ruins, abundance of nice earthen- 
ware, millstones, and fortifications found in Kentucky, and 
attributed by them to the Welsh Indians. 

Another gentleman, the Rev. Morgan Rees, of Philadelphia, 
in a letter remarkable for its good sense, repeats these state- 
ments, but does not advance any special theory to account 
for them. ' Every part of this continent,' he says, ' affords 
sufficient proofs of a more civilised people having existed here 
than the present Indians.' He then promises ' a description 
of the ancient fortifications, mounds, barrows, graves, and the 
curiosities found in them, on the Ohio and other places.' ' I 
have seen,' he says, ' some of the finest crystallising glass, 
some sheets of copper, with stones polished in very great 
perfection, taken lately out of a grave at Cincinnati, on the 
Ohio. I have likewise seen the ruins of an old fort, part of 
it fallen into the same river, the mortar being exactly of the 
same quality with that of the old castles of Wales. Several 
other articles I have seen, which prove to demonstration that 
the arts were either cultivated in the country, or else the 
people must have been a regular importation from other 
countries.' l 

Mr. Catlin also mentions these mounds, and other remains, 
and argues, with much apparent reason, from their resem- 
blance to Mandan fortifications, arts, and usages, that they 
prove that tribe or people to have ascended the Ohio and 
Missouri rivers. If, as he thinks, the Mandans were the 
Madogwys, these remains connect themselves with the Welsh 
tradition ; but this is, of course, a point that requires to be 
proved. 

Mr. Binon, however, positively connects such remains with 
our Cambrian Prince. The Indians he visited had iron 
amongst them, lived in stone-built villages, and were better 

1 Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 380. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES 71 

clothed than other tribes. There were some ruinous buildings 
amongst them ; one appeared like an old Welsh castle, and 
another like a ruined church. 1 He is, moreover, reported to 
have said that ' he considered the Padoucas to be the original 
inhabitants of the spot where he found them, and that they 
showed him a stone on which there was an inscription, which 
they kept in honour of one Madog ! ' 2 

3. Civil Usages. Several other writers speak of a dis- 
tinctive civilisation among the White Indians, and assume 
White and Welsh to be convertible terms. Sir John Caldwell 
and Mr. Remington said the Pawnees, called White and 
Welsh, were considerably civilised, cultivated the ground, 
built houses, and had implements of fine copper. Mr. Gibson 
said the civilisation of the Welsh Indians was a matter of 
astonishment to the traders in general. Baron La Houtan, 
Charlevoix, Bossu, and Cox spoke of highly civilised Indians, 
on the borders of a great salt lake, beyond the Rocky 
Mountains, who wore good clothes, lived in villages built with 
white stones, and navigated the lake in great piraguas ; and 
Mr. Edward Williams, widening the area of the Welsh 
Indians, includes these Matocantes and Mactotatas, with the 
Padoucas, Panes, and Kansez, under that general designa- 
tion. 3 

' J. J.'s ' friend said the white-bearded Indians were 
vastly attached to certain religious ceremonies ; 4 Sutton 
made the same remark respecting the Delawares ; Ruxton of 
the Moquis ; and Mr. Catlin of the Mandans. 5 

1 Mr. Edward Williams, in Gentleman's Magazine, 1791, vol. ii. 
p. 613. 

2 The same authority, in Williams's Farther Observations, p. 21. 
This statement does not occur in the Gentleman's Magazine, loc. cit. 

3 Williams, Farther Observations, pp. 15, 21, 38. 

4 Gentleman's Magazine, 1792, vol. ii. p. 597. 

5 Letters and Notes on the North American Indians, vol. i. p. 156. 



72 MADOC. 

We have, therefore, an abundance of testimony respecting 
the Welsh Indians; but it lacks definiteness and consistency ; 
so that, after all, there has been much uncertainty as to who 
the Welsh Indians really were, even among those who 
believed in their existence. While Dr. Williams identified 
the descendants of Madoc with the Delawares, Tuscarores, 
and a third tribe, others discovered the Madogwys in the 
Doegs, Matocantes, and Mud Indians ; l Dr. Owen Pughe 
made choice of the Padoucas, 2 whose name was conjectured to 
be a form of Madawg ; 3 while others claimed the Pawnees, 
Kansez, Asquaws, the Hietans or Aliatans, and the Cherokees; 4 
and latterly Lieutenant Ruxton affirmed them to be the 
Moquis ; 5 while Mr. Catlin identified them with the Man- 
daus, and has found favour with Cambrian critics in so 
doing. 6 

Thus pretty nearly the whole of America, from Canada to 
Cuba, or even Peru, has been at various times claimed as the 
local habitation of the Madogwys : they have been found, 
generally speaking, everywhere on the new continent, east, 
south, and west ; but, unfortunately, none of the indications 
have been sufficiently specific ; everywhere has proved to be 
another form of nowhere; and it still remains for future 
inquirers to determine the true name and precise locality of 
the Welsh Indians, while many deny that they exist any- 
where. 

I have, therefore, to suggest for the consideration of the 
reader, assuming the substantial veracity of the less suspicious 
testimonies here cited : 

1 Woodward's History of Wales, p. 383 : Mr. Edward Williams 
(lolo Morganwg) cited in Williams's Farther Observations, p. 21. 
3 Cambrian Biography, art. ' Madog ab Owen Gwynedd.' 

3 Cambro- Briton, vol. iii. p. 372. 

4 Ibid. vol. iii. p. 485. 

5 Adventures in Mexico, p. 195. 

8 Williams's Eminent Welshmen, art. ' Madog,' p. 810. 



TRAVELLERS' TALES. 73 

1. Whether the origin of the arts, monuments, books, 
ceremonies, and languages of the white or half-white Indians 
may not admit of explanation upon some other hypothesis, 

2. And, if so, whether there are sufficient reasons for 
assigning the preference to the ' Welsh Indian ' views of 
Cambrian writers. 



CHAPTER II. 

IMPRESSIONS PRODUCED BY THESE FACTS AND STATEMENTS 
UPON THE MINDS OF HISTORICAL WRITERS. 

I HAVE now laid open a full and, it is hoped, fair statement 
of the three classes of testimonies usually brought to bear 
upon this question ; and it is more than probable that the 
reader has come to some positive conclusion. Nevertheless, 
it is just possible that all minds may not be affected alike, 
and that some men may think that this testimony amounts 
to an incontrovertible demonstration, while others may think 
the evidence loose, incoherent, and insufficient. Some may 
consider it to be in some cases irrelevant, and in others false ; 
while others may hold it to be trustworthy and coherent in 
all its parts. 

At all events, we know that this has been the case already ; 
and, as the minds of men are very differently constituted and 
very differently furnished, this may also take place hereafter. 
It will, therefore, in my judgment, be wise to study the im- 
pressions produced upon the minds of others, many of them 
the greatest luminaries in Cambrian literature, before we 
finally resolve the matter for ourselves. 

Section I. THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 

1. Most of the older writers held the discovery of Madoc 
to be a demonstrated fact, and took firmly and unhesitatingly 
what we shall call the affirmative side. 



THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 75 

It will be unnecessary to repeat the words of Humphrey 
Llwyd and Dr. Powel. 

Hakluyt and Purchas accepted their statements and 
views, and Hakluyt also introduced a variation, that Madoc 
made not only one voyage according to the Triad, or two 
according to Lhvyd and Powel, but three voyages a state- 
ment, however, supported by no authority. 

Dr. John Davies, of Mallwyd, accepted the affirmative 
view. 1 

Of the older writers, James How ell is the only one who 
speaks doubtfully. His words are : ' if well proved ; ' but 
Herbert, his contemporary, felt no hesitation ; and he 
emphatically affirms that Madoc discovered America; and 
that, had it been inherited, the Kings of England would not 
have been defrauded of their title to the new continent. 

Enderbie ('Cambria Triumphaus,' London, 1661) ac- 
cepted the Cambrian narrative. 

The Eev. Charles Edwards, author of ' Hanes y Ffydd,' or 
' History of the Christian Faith,' also took the same side. His 
work was first published in 1671 ; and therein he adopts the 
statements of Llwyd and Powel. 

The Rev. Theophilus Evans, author of the very popular 
little History of Wales, already referred to, called ' Drych y 
Prif Oesoedd,' first published in 1716, repeated the usual 
statements, and gave currency in Welsh to James Howell's 
blunder respecting the inscription said to have been found on 
Madoc's tombstone. In the preface to a second edition he 
embodied the narrative of Morgan Jones. 

Emanuel Bowen, ' Geographer to his Majesty,' in a 
geography published in 1747, also accepted the Welsh tradi- 
tion as historic truth. 

The next writers were the compilers of the ' Universal 

1 Antique Linguae Britanniccc Eudimenta (London, 1621), Pre- 
face, p. 10, note. 



76 MADOC. 

History.' One of these held the discovery to have been real ; 
but another scouted it as an absurdity. 1 

The Rev. Nicholas Owen, jun., was a firm believer in the 
truth of this tradition, and embodied in his ' British Remains ' 
the letter of Morgan Jones ; the letter of Charles Lloyd of 
Dolobran to his cousin, dated, Quaker fashion,' 8m. 14 day, f ;' 
and a copy of Dr. Plott's account of ' an ancient discovery of 
America from Wales.' Owen's work appeared in 1777 ; thir- 
teen years afterwards, Dr. Williams published his ' Enquiry ' ; 
and two years later (1792) his second work, on the same 
subject, to which we have so often referred, under the title 
of ' Farther Observations on the Discovery of America &c.' 
He also was a firm believer in the Cambrian tradition. 

Dr. Campbell, author of the ' Naval History,' gave 
credence to the statement ; M. Buache, a Frenchman, takes 
the same side, in the ' Memoirs of the Royal Academy of 
Paris' for 1784; Dr. Cotton Mather advocated it warmly in 
his ' Magnalia Christi Americana ' ; and the Rev. George 
Burder, in 1797, collected the evidences in a pamphlet 
addressed to the Missionary Society of London, and urgently 
desiring them to send missionaries to the Welsh Indians. 

But, probably, the most sanguine man of that day was 
Edward Williams, better known as lolo Morganwg. In 
common with many of the vigorous thinkers and outspoken 
men of that day, he looked upon America as the land of liberty, 
and entertained serious thoughts of emigrating thither. He 
has, accordingly, introduced the subject into his ' Poems, Lyric 
and Pastoral,' in two places (vol. ii. pp. 64 and 186) ; and in the 
former he has published a long note, making the usual state- 
ments, but with some variations, which will be noticed here- 
after. He gave implicit credence to the statement respecting 
the Welsh Indians ; said there were then living, in Wales 
and America, Welshmen who had conversed with these 
1 Modern Part, vol. xxxviii. p. 5. 



THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 77 

people ; and fixed their locality on the river Missouri, about 
five hundred miles above its junction with the Mississippi. 
But the intensity of his belief will perhaps be best represented 
in his own verse : 

Boast, CAMBRIA, boast thy sceptred Lord, 
'Twas HE, thy MADOC, first explor'd, 

What bounds the Atlantic tide ; 
He, from the tumults of a Crown, 
Sought shelter in a world unknoum, 

With Heav'n his only guide. 

He soon, with joyful tale, return'd 

To CAMBRIAN hills, where thousands mourn'd, 

Scourg'd by fell Discord's hand ; 
Now, loos'd from HELL, she there appear'd, 
With brother's blood her front besmear'd, 

She triumph 'd in the Land. 

At LUNDY'S Isle what numbers meet ; 
All throng with joy to MADOC'S fleet, 

That first subdu'd the main ; 
They quit the gory sod of WALES, 
Proud SNOWDON'S height, Silurian vales, 

And MONA'S ravag'd plain. 

Fled from Contention's ireful crew, 
To native cots they bid adieu, 

Returning there no more ; 
But, through rude storms at endless war, 
With PROVIDENCE their friendly star, 

They seek the peaceful shore. 

We heard of late astonish'd Fame 
Declare that still our MADOC'S name 

Bids Glory's trump resound, 
Where still, amid the desert wild, 
A free-born race, of manners mild, 

Old British tribes are found. 

I thither fly with anxious haste, 
Will brave all dangers of the waste, 

Range 'tangled woods about ; 
Pierce ev'ry corner, like the wind, 
Till Death forbids, or surely find 

My long-lost brethren out. 



78 MADOC. 

I'll teach them all the truth I know, 
To them extol the lively glow 

Of soul-refining grace ; 
And, heedless there of worldly gains, 
Will glide through life with these remains 

Of BRITAIN'S injur'd race. 

Haste ! and forsake your meagre hills, 
Their woful rounds Oppression fills, 

1 think of no delays ; 
Where Madoc's offspring still abides, 
Or in the Land where PENN presides, 

Will end our tranquil days. 

Adieu, GLAMORGAN, from whose vales 
I'm driven far through stormy gales, 

O'er foamy billows wide ; 
May'st thou, though fiends afflict thee sore, 
Still thy forbidden GOD adore, 

Whatever ills betide. 1 

Fortunately for the interests of Welsh literature, the bard 
thought better of his project ; circumstances occurred, after 
1794, the date of the Lyric Poems, to lessen the value of the 
tales told of the Welsh Indians ; but the bard, so far as I am 
aware, never ceased to uphold what had then become a 
national tradition. 

His contemporary, the Rev. Dr. William Richards of Lynn, 
a man much respected in his day, was also a warm advocate 
of the affirmative. He supplied Mr. William Owen with 
several letters from friends of his in America, and himself 
drew up a concise statement of the evidences for the ' Gentle- 
man's Magazine' in October 1789. 

Dr. Owen Pughe, then plain William Owen, shared the 
enthusiasm of the old Bard of Glamorgan, and sympathised 
heartily with his sensitive and excitable feelings. The 
' Gentleman's Magazine,' at the close of the last century, was 
often made the vehicle to convey news of the Welsh Indians ; 2 

1 Poems, Lyric and Pastoral, vol. ii. p. 64. 

2 Vol. Ixi. Part i. pp. 329, 386, 534 ; and also Part ii. pp. 612, 693, 
795, 800. 



THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 79 

and in the year 1791 the names of both these ardent patriots 
appear in that magazine, united in a defence of the presumed 
existence of these Indians, who were then, and thenceforth, 
usually called by the new name of Madogians or Madogwys. 
In the ' Cambrian Register,' which he edited, for the year 
1795, he said that two persons (himself and lolo ?) had been 
engaged five years previously in collecting accounts of the 
Welsh Indians ; that they had brought together the accounts 
of twenty different persons, which agreed exactly with each 
other ; that other accounts were continually flowing in ; that 
a young man named John Evans had gone over to America, 
in 1793, to discover the Madogwys, though the result of his 
enterprise was unknown ; and he submitted two documents 
as the most interesting of the recent additions. 1 

The two documents consist (1) of questions and answers 
respecting White Indians and Welsh Indians, from the 
Moravian missionaries in America to their brethren in 
England; and (2) a letter dated November 24, 1795, 'from 
the Rev. Morgan Rees, then resident in Philadelphia.' The 
documents are interesting, and both clearly prove the exist- 
ence of ' White Indians ' on the Missouri ; but the first stops 
short of proving, except at third hand, that these ' White 
Indians ' were also Welsh Indians ; and the second appears to 
me to be evidence to the contrary. Further on, in the same 
volume, Owen affirms the departure of Madoc and Riryd, in 
1172, to a land discovered far to the westward by Madoc in a 
former voyage in 1 1 70, and cites in support of the statement 
the passage about the ' two princes,' in the poem of Prydydd 
y Moch. 2 In the 'Cambrian Biography,' published in 1803, 
we find him again affirming the same views in these terms : 

' I have collected a multitude of evidences, in conjunction 
with Edward Williams, the bard, to prove that Madog must 
have reached the American continent, for the descendants of 

1 Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 377 et seq. 
* Ibid. vol. i. pp. 412, 413. 



80 MADOC. 

him and his followers exist there as a nation to this day ; 
and the present position of which is on the southern branches 
of the Missouri river, under the appellations of Padoucas, 
White Indians, Civilised Indians, and Welsh Indians.' ' 
Again, in 1805-6, he, as editor of the ' Greal,' published 
several letters affirming and advocating the affirmative con- 
clusion, which, it would seem, he retained to his dying day. 

Most of the bards and minor literati of the day naturally 
followed in the wake of lolo and William Owen. Dafydd 
Ddu Eryri deserves special mention, as in a note to his ' Awdl 
ar Wirionedd ' (Ode to Truth) he assumes the existence of 
the Madogwys, and makes this fine reflection : 

' A remarkable Providence appears in the migration of 
this stock, deserving of our respect and reverence, when we 
reflect that a host of our fellow-countrymen disappeared from 
us so long ago, and in the ninth age of the world, and that 
we now have a trace of them, as a numerous and increasing 
nation, in the centre of a far-distant land ! ' 2 

The idea is striking, and to the assumed facts appropriate ; 
but it yet remains to be seen whether the assumptions of that 
day have stood the test of subsequent inquiry. 

A pamphlet published about the year 1798, under the 
title ' The Tower of Babel, or Essays on the Confusion of 
Tongues, by John Jones, Member of Eminent Societies at 
Home and Abroad,' professes to contain ' fresh evidence 
concerning the first discovery of America by a Prince of Wales 
in the twelfth century.' 3 

Important events were taking place in the meantime. 
The sources of the Missouri were explored ; the Padoucas 
turned out to have no resemblance to Welsh Indians ; faith in 

1 Cambrian Biography, art. ' Madog, son of Owen Gwynedd,' 
p. 233. 

5 Y Cylchgrawn Cynmraeg (Trefecca, 1793), p. 54. 
Notes and Queries (Jan. 12, 18G7), p. 33. 



THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 81 

the Cambrian story became considerably shaken ; suspicions 
attached themselves to the ' travellers' tales ' ; and various 
symptoms of doubt, affecting the whole narrative, began to 
make their appearance. 

A slight trace of scepticism is observable in the language 
of the Rev. W. Warrington, who published his ' History of 
Wales ' about this time. In the main, however, he lent his 
sanction to the tradition, though not without reserve. He 
stated in his text, not that Madoc had sailed, but that he ' is 
said ' to have done so ; and in a note he adds : ' We know 
nothing of the reality of this discovery, but what is gathered 
from the poems of Meredydd ab Rhys, who flourished in the 
year 1470, Guttyn Owain in 1480, and Cynfrig ap Gronw, 
near the same period. These bards preceded the expedition 
of Columbus, and relate or allude to that of Madoc as an 
event well known, and universally received, to have happened 
three hundred years before.' ' Warrington makes this last 
remark on the authority of Edward Jones, author of the 
' Musical and Poetical Relicks of the Welsh Bards ' ; and 'we 
may take this opportunity to remark that Mr. Jones also was 
an aflSrmer of the truth of the Madoc story. 

The tale 

How Madoc from the shores of Britain spread 
The adventurous sail 

was ushered into the literary world, in two quarto volumes of 
poetry ; and the upholders of this tradition had the triumphant 
satisfaction of seeing it adorned by the genius, and sanctioned 
by the authority, and enshrined in the verse of Robert Southey. 
He was the friend of lolo Morganwg and William Owen ; and, 
convinced by their reasonings, he used these words in his 
preface, dated 1805 : 

Strong evidence has been adduced that he (Madoc) 

1 History of Wales, 1st ed. (1786), p. 834. 

G 



82 MADOC. 

reached America, and that his posterity exist there to this 
day, on the southern branches of the Missouri, retaining their 
complexion, their language, and, in some degree, their arts.' 

But the exploration of these regions dispelled this belief; 
and, accordingly, ten years later, he appended this note to the 
first statement : 

' That country has now been fully explored, and wherever 
Madoc may have settled, it is now certain that no Welsh 
Indians are to be found upon any branches of the Missouri, 
1815.' 

Yet his scepticism went no farther than this : he gave 
up the belief that the Indians of the Missouri were the 
descendants of the Britons, but he does not appear to have 
abandoned the belief that Madoc really did land somewhere 
on the New Continent. 

This question occupied a large share of the attention of 
the Kymry, and especially of Welshmen resident in London, 
during the thirty years that intervened between 1791 and 
1821. During the former year, as we have seen, the 
* Gentleman's Magazine ' was inundated with letters respect- 
ing the Welsh Indians ; and in 1818 and 1819, when ' SEREN 
GOMER ' appeared, that publication also gave place to several 
letters written for and against their existence, but principally 
maintaining the former view. A letter signed * Begeryr ' is 
the first negative paper in Welsh that has come under 
my notice, and evidently came from no ordinary pen ; l 
but other persons began to entertain misgivings ; and 
doubts found their way even to the Cymreigyddion and 
Gwyneddigion Societies of London. The question of the 
existence or non-existence of Welsh Indians was frequently 
discussed by the members, and one elaborate speech on 
the affirmative side, by Mr. John Solomon Jones, one of the 
Vice-Presidents of the former Society, has been preserved. 2 

' 1 Seren Gomer, 1818, p. 199. 2 Ibid. p. 29/5. 



THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 83 

It was delivered May 21, 1818, and was much commended at 
the time. Mr. Thomas Roberts of Llwynrhudol, whose 
sanguine advocacy of the ' Welsh Indian ' cause obtained for 
him the name of the ' Father of the Madogwys,' also followed 
on the same side, May 26, when he submitted nine resolutions 
for the approval of the Society. The whole of these were 
adopted, and afterwards confirmed at another meeting, held 
June 4, 1 and one of them embodied a vote of thanks to Mr. 
Solomon Jones for his ' excellent oration ' ; but, though the 
speech displays much ability, and includes a large number of 
' proofs,' it will not be deemed quite satisfactory at the 
present day. Where the question turns, not upon the 
number of authorities, but upon their critical value, we can- 
not attach any importance to the opinion of a man who said, 
wilfully or ignorantly, that Caradoc records the voyages of 
Madoc, and that Hakluyt saw the statements of Llwyd and 
Powel made by Guttyn Owen, who quotes the following 
verse of a modern song composed for the London Cymreigydd- 

ion Society : 

Aeth Madoc heb dra, 
A'i ddyfais oedd dda ; 
Ei lestr a hwyliodd 
Hyd wyneb y dyfroedd 
Trwy nerth y moroedd certh, 
I'r America a 

as being of equal authority with the Englyn of Cynddelw, 
and who was so careless as to place the death of John Evans 
at New Orleans. His contemporaries, however, were still 
less critical ; and the question was generally decided in the 
affirmative ; but the minority still held to their denial ; and in 
so doing had the sanction of no less a man than the Rev. 
Walter Davies (Gwallter Mechain), who, in reference to these 

1 Seren Gomer, 1818, p. 316. 

2 ' Ehuddenfab,' the editor of a small collection of Welsh songs 
(Cerddi Cymru, p. 12), attributes this song to John Jones of Glanygors 

G 2 



84 MADOC. 

very discussions, adds this comment after the word ' affirma- 
tive ' : ' as majority of votes too often do, upon the wrong side 
of a question, be its importance and consequence ever so 
great.' ! The question again came under the consideration 
of the Cymreigyddion on December 8 in the same year, in 
consequence of a letter from the Rev. George Lewis, D.D. 
At a missionary meeting held in August of that year at 
Llanfyllin, it was thought that a mission to the Madogwys 
had special claims upon the attention of the Kymry. Dr. 
Lewis, without committing himself to the affirmative side, 
urged the matter upon the attention of the Cymreigyddion, 
and they on the above day replied to his letter, approving of 
the suggestion, and endeavoured to remove his doubts. 2 

Time has not altered these relative positions ; for though 
the tradition lost credit with English writers, except Mrs. 
Campbell, the majority of Welshmen, possibly even of 
Cambrian writers, still continue to affirm that Madoc dis- 
covered the land of the far west ; and, even if not, that there 
are Welsh Indians on the Missouri. Many writers, seeing 
that the Madogwys receded farther and farther as the 
American continent became more fully explored, wavered in 
their belief; but Mr. Catlin's work has reassured them ; and 
one at least, the careful biographer of ' Eminent Welshmen,' 
has recorded his conviction, not only that Madoc discovered 
the New World, but also that the expeditions of Madoc are 
mentioned by three poets who were his contemporaries, as 
well as by Meredydd ab Rhys, before Columbus was heard 
of; and that the Welsh Indians were the Mandans of Mr. 
Catlin. 3 This work was published in 1852. 

A still later writer, namely, the Rev. R. W. Morgan, 

1 Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, 1829, vol. i. p. 446. 
* Seren Oomer, 1818, p. 317 ; and 1819, p. 4. 

3 Williams's Eminent Welshmen, articles ' John Evans ' and 
' Madog ap Owen Gwynedd.' 



THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 85 

adopts tbe Madoc narrative, and affirms his conviction that 
its truth has been clearly established. 1 

The most distinguished living writer on this side is Dr. 
Rowland Williams, if he still retains his conviction of 1846. 
It does not appear, however, that he had examined the evi- 
dence critically ; and it should be observed that he does not 
expressly assent to the affirmative proposition. He says, ' It 
is one of those traditions, " poeticis magis decora fabulis, quge 
nee affirmare nee refellere in animo est." ' 2 But as he has 
made it the basis of a poem, entitled ' Madoc at Sea,' the bias 
of his mind seems to have inclined to this side. 

It is, therefore, very apparent that the affirmative view is 
very powerfully supported, and that many of the best-known 
natives of the Principality men, too, of great talent and ex- 
tensive learning have ranged themselves on what may, 
perhaps, be termed the popular side. 

Our Cambrian story seems to have fascinated men of every 
order of mind, and amongst others the late Baron Humboldt. 
' It is much to be desired,' he says, ' that in these days of 
just, and not excessive scepticism, in historic research, an in- 
quiry could be made into Prince Madoc's story, in Wales. 
Old traditions, and the genuine chronicles of the Principality, 
would thus be usefully examined. I by no means share the 
contempt with which some writers rashly treat this story. 
On the contrary, I am strongly convinced that some facts, 
hitherto lost sight of, may be recovered, to throw light upon 
the voyages of the Middle Ages ; and upon the striking re- 
semblances of some things now familiar to us in the New 
World, to many things well known in the East.' 3 

It has also found favour with his countryman, the tra- 

1 The British Eymry, p. 166. 

2 Lays from the Cimbric Lyre, by ' Goronva Camlan ' (Dr. Row- 
land Williams), London, 1846, pp. 10, 237. 

3 Examen Critique de VHistoire de Geographic (Paris, 1837) 
cited in Eev. T. Price's Literary Remains, vol. ii. p. 273. 



86 MADOC. 

veller J. G. Kohl, who in his last work says that the Cambrian 
narrative ' looks very like a discovery of America.' And he 
adds, in continuation, ' An American writer (probably meaning 
Catlin) of the present day has even taken the trouble to show 
that the traditions and the language of the so-called Mandan 
Indians, ' who now dwell in central Missouri, prove them to 
be the descendants of the followers of Prince Madoc. Indeed, 
many have found these Welsh wanderers again in one of the 
most remote tribes to the far West in California. In conse- 
quence of the supposed discovery of traces of Madoc's Welsh, 
spread so extensively throughout the whole of America, an 
Englishman has proposed that the New World should not be 
named, as at present, after Amerigo Vespucci, nor called 
Columbia after Columbus, but rather Madocia after Prince 
Madoc.' ' Mr. Kohl is probably not aware that it has been 
suggested that America is itself a word of Welsh origin, 
formed from Ar myr ucliel or ycha, l on the high or farthest 
seas ' ; that this descriptive name was used by the natives, 
and that Vespucci took his prcenomen therefrom ! 2 

The subject appears to have also occupied the attention 
of our cousins across the Atlantic. Mr. John Russell Bartlett, 
the Secretary of the American Ethnological Society, in the 
winter of 1841, at New York, stated that he had been inves- 
tigating the subject, and that he was in possession of affidavits 
and other documents, to attest the truth of the Cambrian 
tradition, and of the existence of Welsh Indians. 3 His work 
has not, I believe, yet seen the light ; but if the affidavits 
were those of the Rev. Morgan Jones and Colonel Crochan, 
they will be found in the present Essay. 4 The Rev. Thomas 

1 History of the Discovery of America, vol. i. pp. 33, 35 ; vol. ii. 
p. 142. 

8 Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, vol. iv. p. 469. 

3 Sir J. E. Alexander, L'Acadie, vol. iv. p. 89 ; and Mr. J. Toulmin 
Smith, Discovery of America by the Northmen, 1842, p. 235. 

4 [The affirmative view is maintained in two American works, pub- 



THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 87 

James, of Netherthong, Yorkshire, under his Kymric signature 
Llallawg, in 'Notes and Queries,' December 7, 1862, states 
that he had written to Mr. Bartlett, inquiring whether the 
promised work had been published, but that he had not re- 
ceived any reply. Mr. James was one of the judges of this 
Essay at Llangollen. He then declined to adjudicate, and it 
would seem that he is still unable to say, ' Liberavi animam 
meam.' 

Section II. THE TENTATIVE VIEW : that there is no sufficient 
evidence that Madoc discovered America ; but that he left 
Wales, and that it is not known whither he went. 

It has been seen in the preceding section that a minority 
of the Gwyneddigion, countenanced by no less a man than 
the Rev. Walter Davies, differed in opinion from their fellow-, 
members on this subject ; and as several men of note, distin- 
guished by critical ability, historic research, and sound judg- 
ment, have numbered themselves either among positive 
dissentients or as entertaining very serious doubts, it becomes 
necessary to pass them in review. 

The first avowed opponent of the Cambrian tradition was 
Lord Lyttelton, in his ' History of Henry II.,' the first edition 
of which was published in 1 764-7. l He supposed that Dr. 
Powel had interpolated the Madoc narrative in the Chronicle 
of Caradoc. Here he was evidently mistaken ; but if he had 
said this of Humphrey Llwyd, he might have pleaded Powel's 
authority for the statement. He grants that Madoc may 
have been a bolder navigator than any of his countrymen in 
that age, and that he might have been famous for some voyage ; 

lished since the death of Mr. Stephens, entitled, America discovered 
by tJie Welsh in 1170 A.D., by the Rev. Benjamin F. Bowen (Phila- 
delphia, 1876) ; and The Pre-Columbian Voyages of the Welsh to 
America, by B. F. De Costa (Albany, 1891).] 

1 History of Henry II. note to Book v. p. 505 (1st ed. 1764-1767 ; 
vol. iv. p. 371). 



88 MADOC. 

but, says he, ' as the course was not marked, it is of no impor- 
tance to the matter in question.' ' We may, therefore, place 
him in our second class. 

Its next assailant was Robertson, the Historian of America, 
who thought that if Madoc made any discovery at all, it was 
most probably Madeira or some of the Western Isles. 2 

The first Kymro who openly declared his hostility to this 
tradition was Dr. John Jones. He was a native of the parish 
of Llandybi'e, in Carmarthenshire, having been born at Der- 
wydd, August 17, 1772. He studied on the Continent, at 
the University of Jena, which conferred on him the degree of 
LL.D., took to the Bar as a profession in 1803, and died at 
Islington in distressed circumstances, September 28, 1837. 
He wrote several works, amongst others ' A History of Wales,' 
but most of his writings are characterised by a tendency to 
flippancy and sarcasm, and this is observed in his treatment 
of this question. He wrote a letter on this subject, dated 
'Islington, July 19, 1819,' which appeared in the 'Monthly 
Magazine ' for September of that year. 

He commences by saying that ' an unfounded tradition 
among the uncultivated natives of North Wales, respecting 
the migration of Madog,' was ' still persisted in by certain 
illiterate Methodist and other preachers, who have of late 
raised considerable sums of money, by calling upon public 
characters and procuring subscriptions towards defraying the 
expenses requisite for making a pretended simple hunt after 
the imaginary Welsh Indians.' 

He charges the Madoc narrative with improbability, and 
says ' that the whole population of Gwynedd at that time did 
not equal that of St. Mary at Islington ; that Madoc would 
not have been suffered to deport the subjects of his brother, 

1 History of Henry II. loc. cit. (1st ed. 1764). 

2 The question is discussed in a long note to the first volume, 
p. 373 (ed. 1788) ; or pp. 368-871 (9th ed. 1800). 



THE TENTATIVE VIEW. 89 

and that the fleet of Commodore Madog, consisting of wicker- 
boats covered with hides or tarred blankets, effected a rather 
extraordinary performance, if they were able to leave Ireland 
on the north, and cast these supposed deserters of their country 
on the coasts of Armorica or Gallicia.' 

After this he examines the bardic quotations from the 
poems of Cynddelw, Prydydd y Moch, Gwalchmai, and Mere- 
dydd ab Rhys, and sums up the result in these words : 

' Thus, Mr. Editor, the bards make no mention whatever 
of any migration of Madog into a western continent, but 
merely take passing notice of him as lost at sea ; that he had 
left his country, that his departure was lamented, and that he 
was of a generous disposition, and an eminent fisherman.' 

He then quotes the concluding words of Humphrey Llwyd, 
and uses them to show ' that they afford positive testimony 
against the existence of the Welsh Indians.' 

In an early part of the letter he said there was no pretence 
for believing in ' a colony of Madogion, mad- dogs, or Welsh 
Indians,' and concludes his letter with this paragraph : 

' It may be expected that I should notice tales related of 
Welsh Indian chiefs ; of Welshmen taken prisoners, and re- 
leased on account of their similarity of language ; and of 
Welsh Methodist preachers who have resided among the 
Indians, and preached among them for years. But this would 
be making a very idle use of your valuable pages, since it is 
well known that there are not a hundred square miles of the 
inhabited or inhabitable parts of America that have not been 
traversed ; and that, in consequence of the labours of naviga- 
tors and travellers, geography is now become a positive science.' 

This letter produced a great sensation at the time ; its 
pun upon ' Madogwys,' with its sarcastic allusions, and ap- 
parently unfounded imputations, gave great offence ; and it 
would seem that it has not been forgiven to this day. 1 

1 See Williams's Eminent Welshmen, art. ' John Jones,' p. 560. 



90 MADOC. 

Mr. Humphreys Parry, editor of the ' Cambro-Briton,' 
replied to Dr. Jones in the number of that magazine for 
October 1819, and said that, 'after long and dispassionate 
consideration,' he had been induced to believe in the existence 
of the Madogwys. He charged Dr. Jones with having evaded 
the testimony of leuan Brechva, Guttyn Owen, Herbert, and 
the historic Triad, admitted the words already given as those 
of Llwyd, not to have been the words of Caradoc, but affirmed 
them to have been the words of Guttyn Owen, and suggested 
that they set forth an erroneous opinion. He admitted that 
the bardic quotations of Jones only affirmed that Madoc left 
his country and went to sea, but laid stress on the passage 
respecting the ' two princes,' which Dr. Jones had not cited, 
and he summed up his argument in these words : 

' What he (Dr. Jones) has quoted, if they determine any- 
thing, prove that Madog had disappeared by sea : what he 
has kindly left to be cited by others extend to the circum- 
stances, and even to the object of his voluntary exile. These, 
united with the facts which have transpired during the last 
sixty years, respecting the settlement of a strange nation on the 
higher branches of the Missouri, differing essentially in their 
habits and manners from the adjacent tribes, and even speak- 
ing the Welsh language, can leave little room for scepticism, 
except to such as make scepticism a profession. Yet all this 
testimony, derived from a hundred various sources, and uniting 
in one focus, is thrown by our candid objector unceremoniously 
into the shade. So strong, however, is the concatenation of 
evidence thus produced, as to be considered irresistible by 
many persons fully capable of estimating its value.' ' 

The reply contained as much sarcasm as the attack, though 

couched in more polished phraseology ; but characterised, as 

it was, by assertion rather than proof, it could not have been 

deemed quite satisfactory, even at that time ; and, upon reflec- 

1 Cambro-Briton, vol. i. p. 61. 



THE TENTATIVE VIEW. 91 

tion, it does not appear to have been deemed conclusive by 
the writer himself. He referred to the subject two years 
afterwards, but in a less confident tone ; l and having subse- 
quently redeemed his promise to review the whole of the 
evidence, he finally adopted the modified conclusion which 
forms the heading of this section. At the Carmarthen 
Eisteddfod, September 24 and 25, 1823, a prize was 
offered for the best Essay on the following subject : 'On the 
Navigation of the Britons from the earliest dawn of their his- 
tory to the close of the twelfth century, including the proba- 
bility or improbability of Madog ab Owain Gwynedd and 
his followers settling in any part of the Western Hemisphere.' 

The judges were the Yen. Archdeacon Beynon and the 
Eev. Mr. Prothero, Vicar of Llandeilo Vawr ; they awarded 
the prize to the author of the Essay signed ' Omer,' who 
turned out to be John Humphreys Parry, Esq. 

The conclusions of the author, as exhibited in the published 
Essay, were these : 

I 1. As to the historic statements, 'that the disappearance 
of Madoc is an event as free from doubt as any other recorded 
in the annals of Wales. With respect, however, to the 
particular country he is said to have discovered, whatever 
ground may have existed formerly for such an assumption, 
either traditionally or otherwise, the account must now be 
received with the caution naturally suggested by the lapse of 
so many ages, and the consequent absence of positive evi- 
dence ' (p. 35). 

/ 2. As to Welsh Indians, ' that the testimony is by no 
means decisive as to the fact, notwithstanding the positiveness 
with which some of the points have been asserted. For if the 
Welsh language be actually spoken among the Indians of 
America, and there really exist among them ancient Welsh 
MSS., it is truly extraordinary that the fact has not, before 
1 Cambro-Briton, vol. iii. p. 435. 



92 MADOC. 

this time, been placed beyond the reach of cavil, or the 
necessity for inquiry. More than three centuries have elapsed 
since the acknowledged intercourse between Europeans and 
the New World, and this interesting question is still unde- 
termined. Adhuc sub judice Us est.' (P. 41.) 

The subject was referred to in the year 1820, by the Rev. 
E. Hughes, of Bodfari, who introduced it into his poem on 
' Hiraeth Cymro am ei Wlad,' sent to the Wrexham 
Eisteddfod in that year. See the collected poems on that 
subject, published at Denbigh. 1 

We come, in the next place, to consider the testimony of 
the Rev. Thomas Price, fondly known among his countrymen 
by his cognomen Carnhuanawc. His opinion upon difficult 
historical questions is held to be of great weight ; and I am 
happy to be able to concur in this general and favourable 
estimate ; for he took much pains to collect trustworthy 
evidences, approached the facts in a spirit at once patriotic 
and candid, and displayed much critical acumen and sound- 
ness of judgment in forming his opinions thereupon. He, 
too, shows a disposition to reject the common tradition, and 
to hold the proofs as yet adduced in its favour to be insuf- 
ficient. In dealing with this question he commences thus 
(we translate his work, which is in the Welsh language) : 

' The history of the voyage of this prince (i.e. Madoc ab 
Owen) is given by Powel, as he affirms, on the authority of 
Guttyn Owen, who, as is said, wrote between 1460 and 1490, 
and therefore before the voyage of Columbus, for Columbus 
sailed in 1492, and returned in 1493. The history of Madoc, 
according to the above authority, is as follows.! 

Having recounted the usual statements, he further adds 
that the lines of Meredydd ap Rhys and Triad No. 10 were 
cited in support of that narrative, and sums up his conclusions 
in the following terms : 

1 Y Powysion (Denbigh, 1821), pp. 61-63. 



THE TENTATIVE VIEW. 93 

' Reference is also made to other proofs in the works of 
the Gogynfeirdd (or mediaeval bards); but. I never had the 
good fortune to alight upon them ; and I am of opinion that 
the above cited are the strongest on record. As to the recent 
correlative proofs, respecting the discovery of a tribe of 
Madogwys in America, so many vain and thoughtless asser- 
tions have been made and repeated, and so many naked and 
designed falsehoods have been added to them, that whoever 
takes tliis subject in hand must be very watchful lest he be 
misled. One of the strongest arguments against the narrative 

o o o 

is the difficulty of the voyage, because the mariner's compass 
was unknown at that time, and it was not usual to sail out of 
the sight of land. In reply, it is said that the latter statement 
is not true, for that they made voyages to Norway ; to the 
Continent generally, and to Iceland ; that the islanders of the 
South Seas had made such voyages ; and that in fair weather, 
with a clear sky, the voyage of Madoc was not impossible. 
And, therefore, after weighing the various arguments against 
each other, I conclude that the determination rests entirely 
upon the date of Guttyn Owen's narrative, viz. : whether it 
was written before or after the voyage of Columbus. That 
Madoc chose a seafaring life, rather than contend hopelessly 
for territorial possessions, is not improbable ; and if the lines 
above cited are rightly dated, this is undeniable. But as to 
the other parts of the proofs we must wait until the evidences 
have been more minutely examined.' ! 

Commending this thoughtful passage to the attention of 
the reader, I now proceed to unfold a third aspect of this 
question. 

1 Hanes Cymru, pp. 589-591. This work was published in parts 
from 1836 to 1842. Living authors of note suppose that Madoc may 
have left his country and landed in Spain, or on some European coast ; 
but hone of them accept the national tradition of the Kymry in its 
entirety. 



94 MADOC. 



Section III. THE NEGATIVE VIEW : that Madoc neither sought, 
nor found, a new country in the far West ; and that he 
fell by the sword in his own country. 

Besides the two preceding aspects of this question; there 
is a third, namely, that which we have called the negative 
view ; and this has been supported by several writers of con- 
siderable ability. 

The first Welshman who rejected the Madoc claim was 
Thomas Pennant, the eminent naturalist, whose judgment will 
be cited in another connection. 

After him came the late Rev. Walter Davies, M.A., known 
among the bards as Gw oilier Mechain. He was the author 
and editor of many works deservedly held in great repute, 
and a frequent contributor to the Cambrian magazines, which 
owe to him many of their most valuable articles. He was, 
up to his death (December 5, 1849, cet. 89), generally ac- 
counted to be the clearest-headed and best-informed Kymro 
of his day ; his writings are all characterised by great candour, 
much critical sagacity, and an enlightened judgment. In the 
course of his life he showed an intimate acquaintance with 
the writings of the elder bards ; was the author of a prize 
essay on the Welsh Metres, in which he gave an analysis of 
the metres used in our most ancient poems ; edited the works 
of Huw Morus, and assisted in editing those of Lewis Glyn 
Cothi ; and he was himself one of the most distinguished of 
recent Welsh poets. He was, therefore, admirably qualified 
to form an opinion upon any question involving a reference 
to the poems of the old bards, such as that which is now under 
consideration ; and his judgment, whatever it might be, was 
always held to be of much weight. 

Like Dr. Jones, who undertook ' to upset this idle tale,' 



THE NEGATIVE VIEW. 95 

lie thought he could, with a few words from his pen, dispose 
of the reputed discovery of America and the Welsh Indians ; 
but he underrated the vitality of a tradition so intimately 
interwoven with our national feelings ; and it is not impro- 
bable that it would have still survived, even if his view of it 
had amounted to a clear and conclusive demonstration ; for 
traditions, honourable to the pride of a high-minded people 
retentive of their fame, retain their vitality even when found 
to be untrue ; and as Hercules had to cut off all the heads of 
the Lernean Hydra, so must the refuter of such traditions 
leave no stone unturned, no argument unanswered, no sem- 
blance of authority unnoticed ; but, if true, like the rightful 
heir to a disputed property, or the legitimate descendant of 
a royal house, it rises again and again to assert its rights, 
and will eventually establish its claim. To which of these 
classes the Madoc tradition belongs we shall presently en- 
deavour to show. 

But we return to Gwallter Meckain, He says : ' To set 
this question at rest, I believe it may be proved, from indis- 
putable documents, that Madoc ab Owen Gwynedd, the sup- 
posed discoverer of America many centuries before Columbus, 
fell by the sword (the too frequent death of the brave in those 
days) in his own country. Let Columbus, then the great 
and injured Columbus have every merit that is strictly due 
to his unrivalled genius. 

' Charles Lloyd, his brother Thomas, and the Morgan 
Jones above mentioned, had been contemporary students at 
Jesus College, Oxford ; but the fable of the Welsh Indians in 
America did not originate with them. Dr. Powel, in his 
" History of Cambria," Hakluyt in his " Voyages," Sir Thomas 
Herbert in his " Travels," had all of them previously given 
their sanction to the credibility of the tradition that Prince 
Madoc had sailed "far to the West," &c. ; but we have no 
authority for supposing that he ever sailed beyond Ireland, 



96 MADOC. 

or the Isle of Man, or even that he ever boarded a skiff, save 
over the Straits of the Menai. He met, as is above hinted, 
with a violent death in his native land.' ' 

Mr. Davies does not state what those documents were, on 
which he relied ; but it is not difficult to discover that he had 
in his mind the elegiac verse of Cynddelw, and the ' Ode to the 
Hot Iron ' of Llywarch ab Llywelyn. An anonymous writer 
in the ' Cambrian and Caledonian Magazine,' 1831, vol. iii. 
p. 140 (probably Mr. Davies), says : ' There are notices of 
several emigrations in ancient times from Britain, in the 
Triads and other authorities. The one by Madog ab Owain 
Gwynedd and his followers, as recorded by Welsh historians, 
is not now believed to have any foundation, notwithstanding 
several late attempts to authenticate the narrative. The first 
emigration from Wales to America took place in the reign of 
the licentious Charles II.' 

Bancroft, the best-known historian of America, passes over 
the Madoc narrative in silence. It is difficult to conceive 
that he was not acquainted with it, for he frequently cites 
Hakluyt's ' Voyages,' in which it occurs ; and hence it becomes 
probable that he held it to have been of no authority. The 
writer of the ' History of Maritime Discovery,' in Lardner's 
' Cyclopaedia,' takes the narrative into consideration, and pro- 
nounces it to have no foundation in fact. 

The next writer in the order of chronology is the author 
of the ' Literature of the Kymry,' ' a self-educated Welsh 
druggist at Merthyr Tydfil.' 2 

In 1848, when that work was published, this subject was 
evidently new to him. He introduces it with the remark 
that he had not paid sufficient attention to the evidence to 

V Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, 1829, vol. i. p. 441. 

2 The Literary Remains of the Rev. Thomas Price, Carnhuanawc, 
Vicar of Cwmdu, Breconshire, and Rural Dean : with a Memoir of 
his Life, by Jane Williams, Ysgafell, vol. ii. p. 37G. 



THE NEGATIVE VIEW. 97 

form a definite opinion, and concludes his observations in 
these terms : 

'The passage first quoted (i.e. that about the "two 
princes ") looks as if it had been written after Madoc's return, 
for it describes the newly-found territory as " easily guarded." 

The line 

Tn esguraw hawl hawt adnes 
(Prowling after a possession easily guarded) 

seems more decisive of the question than any other evidence 
that can be adduced, as the description seems applicable to a 
new and thinly populated country. Too much stress has been 
laid upon the poem of Meredydd ab Rhys, both by the op- 
ponents and the advocates of this story ; for, after all, it 
simply states the fondness of Madoc for the sea, and leaves 
the question of the discovery of America just where it was 
before. That Madoc left the country is quite clear from the 
concurrent testimony of the bards and the following triad 
(i.e. No. 10) ; but the annals of the country leave his landing- 
place unknown. We must, therefore, look elsewhere for 
proofs of his discovery of the American continent.' l 

He then gives Herbert's account at length, but without 
any express sanction of the statements therein set forth; and 
it is evident that he had not finally made up his mind on the 
subject. Had he rested here, we should have had to place 
him in our second class, in company with Jones, Parry, and 
Price. 

Latterly (1856), he has again given an opinion on the 
subject, and it is evident that his judgment has now been 
fully formed, and that it is adverse to the claims of Madoc. 
In an essay in the Welsh language, entitled ' Sefyllfa 
Wareiddiol Cymru,' or ' The Position of Wales in Civilisa- 
tion,' and published in the { Traethodydd,' he has the words 
here translated : 

1 Literature of the Kymry, p. 143, 2nd ed. p. 132. 

H 



98 MADOC. 

' It is frequently asserted that a Kymro first discovered 
the American continent ; but for all that is said about Madoc 
ab Owen Gwynedd, and notwithstanding the positive yet false 
assertion in " Drych y Prif Oesoedd " respecting his reputed 
epitaph, the history is very doubtful ; and there is reason to 
believe that Madoc was slain in some tumult at home, and 
that he never was very far from the land of his birth.' ! 

In a note he cites as a proof the lines of Cynddelw, and 
adds : ' The warlike character attributed to Madoc in this 
verse is directly opposed to the pacific character usually 
assigned to him. There was some mystery about his assassi- 
nation ; and it is not improbable that he might have loved 
to be a sailor ; but there is no ground for the belief that he 
discovered America.' 

It is, therefore, manifest that, whatever value may be 
attached to the judgments of Mr. Stephens, the Madoc nar- 
rative has been weighed in his balance and found wanting. 2 

The next writer on the negative side is Mr. B. B. Wood- 
ward, who, in 1854, published an illustrated ' History of Wales.' 
He enters largely into the evidences on this point, and dis- 
plays considerable scepticism in the course of his remarks. 
He accepts the representation that Madoc was fond of the 
sea, and was drowned therein ; and holds that this distinction 
among a people notoriously averse from maritime pursuits was 
the foundation of his fame ; that his reputed discovery is 
nothing more than a legend, which for baselessness might 
rival those about Arthur, although it cannot be compared 

1 Y Traethodydd (The Essayist), Dec. 1857, p. 391. 

a The present Essay, when sent into competition, was necessarily 
anonymous, and purported to be ' from the quill pen or saeth wellten 
of Gwrnerth Ergydlym ' ; the omission of any reference to the notice 
of the subject in my former work would have awakened suspicion as 
to the authorship of the Essay ; and, as some reference to the change 
in my views would naturally be looked for, I have thought it advisable 
to allow these paragraphs to remain 



THE NEGATIVE VIEW. 99 

with them in grandeur and renown, Southey's efforts not- 
withstanding ; that this originated after the discovery of 
Columbus, and when the English were the enemies of Spain, 
with a Welshman who was courageous enough to convert the 
vague exaggerations of the bards in praise of the Kymric 
prince, who had identified his name with a too daring maritime 
exploit, into prosaic reality ; and that, on this ground, he 
claimed priority for his country in the discovery and occupa- 
tion of the New World. 1 

A still later writer has to be added to the list of dis- 
sentients, namely, the Rev. John Emlyn Jones, M.A., who, 
in his recent edition of Titus Lewis's ' Hanes Prydain Fawr,' 
has these remarks : 

1 Not the least known of the sons of Owen Gwynedd was 
Madoc, who, they say, sailed to America years before Columbus 
thought of it. Much has been written on this head, and 
much search has been made for the Madogwys, or Welsh 
Indians, in America ; but no sufficient evidence has yet been 
obtained to establish the departure of Madoc ab Owe a 
Gwynedd as a historical fact ' (p. 103). 

Having thus enumerated the principal writers on this 
question; having shown that it has been viewed in very 
various ways ; and having shown that the story is disbelieved 
by historical critics, while it retains its hold on the popular 
belief among the inhabitants of Wales, we shall proceed in 
the next place to review the whole of the evidence ourselves, 
and thus endeavour to form a definite opinion. 

1 History of Wales, pp. 326-334. 



CHAPTER III. 

A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE PRECEDING FACTS, STATE- 
MENTS, AND OPINIONS. 

IN conducting this inquiry we shall adopt a different course 
from that taken in the first chapter. We there began with 
the earliest facts in the history of Madoc, the poems of con- 
temporary bards, and ranged in chronological order all the 
succeeding testimonies, until we arrived at a period compara- 
tively recent ; but we shall now begin with the latest state- 
ments alleged as proofs, and ascend, step by step, to the 
earliest stages of the Madoc narrative. 

We have seen that the latest confirmation of the current 
statement was the alleged discovery of Welsh Indians in 
North America, who preserved the manners, arts, and com- 
plexion of their assumed progenitors, spoke the Welsh 
language, and understood fluent discourses from Cambrian 
preachers, even though the said preachers spoke the dialect 
of Siluria, while the Indians must, upon the hypothesis, have 
descended from natives of Gwynedd. But these statements 
have been disputed ; and, accordingly, it becomes our first 
duty to ascertain the character of these allegations, and to 
determine what amount of confidence is to be placed in them. 
Let us therefore at once raise the question. 

Section I. ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS ? 

If this question were asked at an Eisteddfod that of 
Llangollen, for instance the whole assembly, with not more 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 101 

than two or three dissentients, would immediately give an 
affirmative response ; several living writers, respectable from 
their position, learning, and talents, would unite with them 
in so doing ; and many of the illustrious dead, as we have 
already seen, held the same opinion. But this testimony 
must, in the majority of cases, rest upon hearsay ; and those 
who had formed their own opinions, from evidence presented 
to their minds, would probably be few in number. We are, 
therefore, brought back to the groundwork of their belief; 
and our business just now is not with the opinions which 
have been formed from the evidence, but with the evidence 
itself. 

This, also, is equally strong in affirmation. Crosses were 
found, it is said, in Mexico and Central America; from which, 
and a few insignificant rites, the learned Hornius inferred the 
knowledge of Baptism, the Lord's Supper, the Trinity, and 
most of the leading features of the Catholic religion. The 
Jesuit missionaries said the Indians were strangely agitated 
by the sight of the cross, and hence inferred that they had 
been evangelised by Madoc. And one Benjamin Sutton said 
the Welsh Indians had a kind of Sabbatical observance 
among them. The Kev. Morgan Jones preached to them in 
Welsh, and conversed with them in the same language. Mr. 
Binon found iron among them, and castles and churches such 
as were in Wales. A cloud of witnesses affirm that the 
Indians spoke the Welsh language. General Bowles and 
others found among them a sacred volume written in blue 
ink, and others affirmed them to possess Welsh Bibles. The 
name of Madoc appeared to survive in the Mexican names of 
Matec Zunga and Mat Ingam ; his tomb, bearing an inscription 
in the Welsh language and in the Cynghanedd of the four- 
teenth century, was held in reverence ; and both his name 
and that of his wife were kept in grateful remembrance as 
Manco Capac and Mamma Ocello. 



102 MADOC. 

Are these statements true or false ? And, if true, is the 
Madoc solution the only one of which they admit ? Before 
answering these questions, we must, however, observe that 
some of the statements are inferences, and therefore belong 
to a different category. Of this kind are the testimonies of 
Hornius, the Jesuits, and the identity of the names Madoc, 
Matec Zunga, and Manco Capac. Hornius proceeded upon 
an assumption that all the practices prevalent in the Catholic 
Church were natural developments of Christianity, and had 
grown up within the pale of the Church itself : whereas the 
fact is that the Church adopted numerous pagan forms and 
practices, and that many of its distinctive features, even those 
which have been adopted in the Church of England, are of 
heathen origin. 1 Practices analogous to those of the Catholic 
Church were found among the Buddhist priests of Thibet ; 
crosses have been found among many nations; and baptismal 
rites were at least Jewish before they became Christian. The 
cross, therefore, is not an exclusively Christian symbol, and 
its occurrence among the aborigines of America would not in 
itself afford any proof of an antecedent Christian colonisation. 
And as to the similarity in names, it requires considerable 
prejudice to see any resemblance between Madoc and Manco 
Capac ; while Madoc might be thought to have no more 
necessary connection with Matec than Manu the Hindu with 
Alderman Moon. 

Others are positive statements, which must either be wilful 

1 Christian Freedom in the Councils of Jerusalem : & Sermon by 
the Rev. Rowland Williams, D.D., p. 9. 

' No man can survey, with the calm eye of an historian, the Church 
of England as she stands, without tracing the signs of a rich and 
manifold inheritance in her manners, her dress, her dignities, her 
language, and her modes of thought. Our surplices are perhaps from 
Egypt ; our gowns represent either the old Philosopher's cloak, or 
possibly the Roman toga, &<;. &c.' 

The whole paragraph is admirably written, and full of information 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 103 

falsehoods, or represent actual facts. Many indeed, most of 
them have a very suspicious appearance; and some of them, 
such as those of Mr. Binon, strike the mind at once as being 
deliberate lies ; but others again are so circumstantial as to 
demand investigation. The testimony of the Rev. Morgan 
Jones will serve as a fair specimen of the whole class. If 
true, it is of a kind that will admit of verification ; but if he, 
a minister of the Gospel, and a man having the advantages of 
an Oxford education, could either have been grossly self- 
deceived or have been so wilfully deceitful towards others, 
what other testimony can have any claim to acceptance? 

According to that statement, the Rev. Morgan Jones 
dwelt among Welsh Indians for four months, preached to 
them three times a week in the Welsh language, and was 
treated by them with great kindness in consequence of this 
similarity of language. These Indians were called Doegs, and 
were by the common consent of Messrs. Owen, Williams, and 
Parry, the Padoucas of the end of the last century. Indeed, 
Mr. Owen does not hesitate to affirm that the latter went 
under the appellation of Welsh Indians ' among the traders,' 
though an English writer suggests that they only received 
that name from Cambrian antiquaries. 1 Such circumstantial 
statements as these admitted of being proved or disproved. 
If the Padoucas or Doegs were the Madogwys, and spoke the 
Welsh language, the fact could be ascertained, and placed 
beyond any possibility of denial. This was felt to be the 
case ; and Messrs. Owen and Williams, of whose sincerity there 
need be no doubt, felt confident their statements could abide 
this test. Subscriptions were proposed for the purpose of 
sending competent persons to verify these statements ; but 
whether a sufficient sum of money was obtained for this 
purpose does not appear. 

1 Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 377 ; History of Maritime Di- 
covery, Lardner's Cyclopedia, vol i. p. 215. 



104 MADOC. 

The tales told respecting the Welsh Indians found favour 
with many persons, even beyond the bounds of the Princi- 
pality ; but in Wales itself they produced a profound and 
enduring impression. Many causes concurred to commend 
them to the acceptance of the Kymry. The simplicity of the 
national character has always led my countrymen to give im- 
plicit and unsuspecting credence to all strong and positive 
assertions ; the honour which would accrue to the Principality, 
from the expected demonstration of the fact that a Welsh 
Prince had been the first discoverer of America, fired the 
imagination of a people who have ever dwelt with fondness, 
upon the heroism of their ancestry ; the theological culture 
of the Kymry led them to see a remarkable dispensation of 
Providence in the reputed discovery of their brethren, after 
the lapse of six centuries ; and the zeal with which they have 
advocated Christian Missions found here objects more deserv- 
ing than any others objects grateful alike to their native 
pride and religious feelings. A devout bard prayed in this 

spirit : 

Taened goleu, tywyniad gwiwlon, 
I'r gorllewinol barthau llawnion ; 
Gwawr o ddiwygiad gywir ddigon, 
Draw i Fadawgwys drefedigion. 

And the Kymry with one voice joined in this aspiration of 
Davydd Ddu Eryri. 

Under the influence of these feelings, John Evans, a native 
of Waunfawr, in Carnarvonshire, offered to undertake this 
mission, perilous as he knew it must be. He was the son of 
a Calvinistic Methodist preacher, and was himself a member 
in that connection. 

He left this country, not in 1790, as is stated, 1 nor yet in 

1 Cambrian Biography, and Williams' a Eminent Welshmen, art. 
' John Evans.' 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 105 

1793,' but in the month of September 1792, 2 and arrived at 
Baltimore in America on December 10 following. From Balti- 
more he went to Philadelphia, and from thence twelve miles 
farther, to pay a visit to Dr. Samuel Jones at a place called 
Lower Dublin. This gentleman was a member of Congress, 
and offered to get Evans an escort of twenty armed men. 
Evans then returned to Baltimore, where he spent the winter 
in a merchant's office, at a salary of fifty pounds a year. From 
this place he sent a letter, dated St. Stephen's Day, 1792, to 
his brother in Carnarvonshire, and in it the spirit by which 
he was actuated appears very manifest. ' I believe it,' he 
says, ' to be my duty to honour the name of Jesus, if I can, 
by opening a door for the everlasting Gospel to penetrate to 
these miserable beings, my brethren ; for this I have offered 
my life to the work of the Lord, trusting that He will care 
for me.' He further said that he was going forward to Fort 
Cumberland, from thence to Fort Pitt, and from thence down 
the Ohio in an armed boat. 3 He then returned, at the end of 
January, to concert matters with Dr. Jones ; and, taking his 
route through Kentucky, he left the house of Dr. Jones in 
the beginning of March. 4 He had obtained information of a 
person ' who had been among the Welsh Indians,' 5 and in- 
tended to visit him on the way. Having arrived at St. Louis, 
on the north-west of the Mississippi, and twelve miles below 
the mouth of the Missouri, he excited the suspicion of the 
Commandant of that place, which was then in the possession 
of the Spaniards, and was by him thrown into prison, from 

1 Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 377. 

2 Cylchgrawn Cynmraeg, May 1793, p. 104. 

3 Letter from John Evans to his brother, published in the Cylch- 
grawn Cynmraeg, May 1793, p. 114. See Appendix. 

4 Letter of Dr. Samuel Jones to Thomas Evans, brother of John 
Evans, published in the above Cylchgrawn for August 1793, p. 150. 
See Appendix. 

5 Cylchgrawn Cynmraeg, May 1798, p. 105. 



106 MADOC. 

which he was released at the intercession of a Welshman 
named Jones, living in that town. 

Through the representations of Judge Turner, one of the 
Supreme Judges of the United States North- Western Terri- 
tory, who had been visited by the Commandant, and told by 
him of the detention, Evans was allowed to proceed ; and the 
object of his mission having been satisfactorily explained, and 
being thought likely to lead to other good results to the world 
at large, the Commandant supplied him with passports in 
Spanish, French, and English, to go on his journey. From 
thence, instructed by Judge Turner how to conduct himself 
among the Indians, he went up the Missouri, furnished with 
proper articles to introduce himself to the different tribes. 
He had instructions to keep a diary ; to trace the Missouri 
to its source ; to approach the Burning Mountain as near as 
he could ; to follow the Western Waters to the Pacific ; and, 
on producing proof that he had reached the Pacific, whether 
he met with Welsh Madogians or not, he was to receive, on 
his return, two thousand dollars from the Spanish Govern- 
ment ; l so that he would have had a comfortable support in 
after years if he had fully accomplished the proposed survey. 

The Rev. Morgan Rees exhorted John Evans to keep a 
diary, and expressed a hope that, for the purpose of publica- 
tion, it might yield a hundred pounds ; but it does not appear 
that the diary, if kept, was ever published. Evans, however, 
appears to have written to his friends at home, and his letters 

1 The principal authorities for these facts are three letters from 
1 M. ap loan Rhys ' (the Rev. M. J. Rees), who emigrated to America in 

1794. The first is dated Washington, August 21, 1795, was addressed 
to Mr. Robert Roberts of New York, when on the point of returning to 
the old country, and was published in the Geirgraivn Cymraeg, Holy- 
well, 1796, pp. 9-14. Another, dated Philadelphia, November 24, 

1795, was published in the Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 379 ; and a 
third, published in Burder's pamphlet, p. 34, was addressed to a friend 
at Bala. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 107 

enable us to give some account of his progress. A summary 
was published in 1800, in a rare Welsh magazine published 
at Carnarvon, and entitled the ' Greal, or Eurgrawn ' ; and 
as this is the only account known to me, it is here reproduced 
in an English form, omitting only the introductory paragraph 
(see Appendix) : 

Hanes Taith John Evans yn yr America. 
(History of John Evans's Journey in America.) 

' . . . After overcoming various obstacles, he started on 
his journey from St. Louis, in August 1795, in the company 
of Mr. James Mackay, superintendent of the trade upon the 
Missouri river ; and towards the end of the year he landed 
among a tribe of Indians called Mahas, about 900 miles up 
the Missouri, and wintered there. In February 1796 he re- 
commenced his journey to the West, and advanced about 300 
miles farther ; but, finding that the Sioux Indians had assumed 
a warlike attitude, he returned to his previous station. In 
the following June he started again on the same route, and 
in August he landed among the Mandans and " the populous 
nations," 1 900 miles from the Mahas. 

' " The Missouri," says he, " for 780 miles from St. Louis, 
meanders and assumes a beautiful fern-like form ; it runs 
through delightful dales, and sometimes runs on each side of 
the hills as smooth as a board ; but its general inclination is 
southward to the plains for about 1,200 miles. It is full of 
small islands, and receives various streams, from the Mandas, 
and the Pancas, which flows for 600 miles. The river (Mis- 
souri) has its own way, and rushes impetuously through 
mountains and hills full of mines." 

' After surveying and delineating the river for 1,800 miles, 
he returned with the stream, in sixty-eight days, and reached 
St. Louis in July 1797, after an absence of nearly two years. 

1 The original has ' y Mandan a'r cenhedloedd bobliog.' 



108 MADOC. 

' With reference to the Welsh Indians, he says that he 
was unable to meet with any such people ; and he has come 
to the fixed conclusion, which he has founded upon his ac- 
quaintance with various tribes, that there are no such people 
in existence? l 

The Spanish Commandant is said to have encouraged 
him to undertake a second journey, and to have furnished 
him with attendants, and the requisite appliances to make 
discoveries ; but, whether this was so or not, he died of fever 
at St. Louis in that year, having heroically sacrificed his 
life in the vain pursuit of what he was ultimately led to be- 
lieve did not exist. 2 

In the meantime, it had been positively ascertained by 
another Kymro, that the Padoucans were certainly not Welsh 
Indians ; and a competent judge had declared that no Indian 
language resembled the Welsh. This comes out in the letter 
of the Rev. Morgan Rees : ' I have heard,' he says, ' many 
additional tales of the Welsh Indians. I have conversed with 
the acting partner in the Missouri Company. He has been 
among more Indians than any other white man on this con- 
tinent. He knows nothing of the Welsh language ; but, by 
my conversing in it, he could not say that he recognised the 
words or the idiom among the Indians north of the Missouri. 

1 Greal neu Eurgrawn, pp. 15, 16. 

2 Warrington's History of Wales, ed. 1823, vol. i. p. 566. Mr. 
William Williams, of Brecon, the publisher of this edition of Warring- 
ton, appends this note : 

' The supposed existence of Welsh Indians in America has, for 
many years, elicited much discussion, and various but ineffectual 
attempts have been made to discover them. A very intelligent gentle- 
man informed me, at New York, in the year 1819, that he corresponded 
on the subject with Mr. Evan Evans [John Evans signed his name 
leuan ab Ivan], who is well known to have gone over to America in 
search of them, and to have traversed the continent from the Atlantic 
to the Pacific. His enterprising endeavours, however, were unavailing; 
he could find no trace whatever of any such people.' 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 109 

He thinks the Padoucas are out of the question.' l At Mr. 
Rees's request he promised to assist John Evans in his search, 
if he happened to meet with him. 

Other attempts to discover the Madogwys have been 
equally unsuccessful. The United States acquired possession 
of Louisiana in 1803, and soon afterwards sent out several 
expeditions to explore the extensive regions between the Mis- 
sissippi and the ocean. The first and most celebrated of these, 
and that which bears most closely upon the present inquiry, 
was that of Captains Lewis and Clarke. They had special 
instructions to look out for the Welsh Indians. 2 They entered 
the Missouri at St. Louis, where it enters the Mississippi, 
May 14, 1804 ; reached the Mandan towns in Lat. 47 21' 
47" N. and Long. 99 24' 45" W. from Greenwich, Novem- 
ber 1 ; and remained there, 1,600 miles from St. Louis, until 
April 7, 1805 ; and during their stay completed, from the 
information of the Indians, a map of the whole country 
between the Mississippi and the Pacific, from Lat. 34 to 54. 
They then continued the ascent of the Missouri till, on 
August 18, 1805, they reached its extreme navigable point, 
about 2,500 miles from its junction with the Mississippi. 
They then explored the portion that lay between them and 
the Pacific, remained in that country until March 27, 1806, 
and, returning, reached St. Louis on September 23. 3 

This expedition has generally been considered to have de- 
prived the Welsh Indian tale of any foundation in fact. If 

1 Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 379. 

2 "VVarrington's History of Wales, ed. 1823, vol. i. p. 507, pub- 
lisher's note : ' Captains Lewis and Clarke were strictly directed by 
the American Government to make similar inquiries, but they were 
equally unsuccessful. W. Williams.' 

3 I have taken these details from the article ' America ' in the Penny 
Cyclopaedia, p. 435. 

[Vide Travels to the Source of the Missouri River and Across the 
American Continent to the Pacific Ocean, by Captains Lewis and 
Clarke, new edit. London : Longman & Co. 1817, pp. xii-xvii.] 



110 MADOC. 

the Morgan Jones story had been true, it would have been 
verified by a commission, of which a Lewis and, probably, a 
man of Welsh extraction, if not a Welshman, was the princi- 
pal member : if there had been Welsh Indians on the Missouri, 
they would have been found by Lewis and Clarke : but they 
found no such people. It was the result of this expedition 
that changed the views of Southey; and most candid 
persons acquiesced in his conclusion, though the majority 
of the Gwyneddigion still affirmed the reality of the 
Madogwys. 

While these events were taking place, the Kymric mind, 
both in Wales and America, was intensely excited, and but 
few persons were prepared for the negative result. An apt 
parallel was furnished in the course of the late Crimean War. 
When it became known that the allied forces had landed at 
Eupatoria, had defeated the Russians at the Alma, and had 
marched upon Sebastopol, most persons expected that the 
object of the campaign would speedily be accomplished ; so 
that when the famous ' Tatar message ' came, affirming the 
capture of that stronghold by assault, all Europe rejoiced at 
the news, and but few persons expected that thousands upon 
thousands would have to lose their lives before that result 
could be achieved. So in this case. Most Welshmen, being 
satisfied of the reality of the Madogwys, never doubted that 
they would be found ; and no sooner was it known that the 
explorers had returned than it was concluded that they must 
have come in contact with the descendants of Madoc ; and 
letters announcing the discovery as an accomplished fact 
were sent repeatedly, and in good faith, from Welshmen 
settled in America to their friends at home. One of these 
false messages is dated as early as 1752, when one Reynold 
Howells, living at Philadelphia, wrote to a Mr. Miles, say- 
ing: 

' The Welsh Indians are found out ; they are situated on 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? Ill 

the west side of the great river Mississippi.' * It thus appeared 
that between 1660, when Morgan Jones said he preached to 
them on the Atlantic seaboard, and 1752, they had migrated 
westward ; but we scarcely need observe that competent 
inquirers would have found as much difficulty in finding 
them here as in their first reported location. Howells' re- 
port proved to be a canard ; and when, forty years later, John 
Evans started in search, the Madogwys had, in public esti- 
mation, settled themselves on the Missouri at a distance 
from St. Louis variously estimated at 400, 800, and 1 ,000 
miles. His journey was watched with great anxiety by the 
Kymry, who lived in daily expectation of hearing the joyful 
news of his success ; it was feared, from hearing nothing of 
him, that he had perished in the attempt ; but no sooner was 
it known that he had returned than it was concluded that he 
must have met with the object of his search ; for it was as- 
sumed as an established fact that there were Welsh Indians 
on the Missouri, and it was inferred, naturally enough, that 
John Evans would not have retraced his steps until he had 
found them. Letters written in this sense were sent to 
England ; and one of them, in which the writer states his own 
hypothetical conjectures as facts actually ascertained by Evans, 
is a mythic curiosity. The letter was addressed to the Eev. Mr. 
Davies of Somersetshire, by a son of his, resident in America ; 
and the purport of it, as given by Burder, was as follows : 

' He states that a young Welchman is returned from a 
long journey which he has undertaken with a view to dis- 
cover whether such a people existed as the Welch Indians. 
He saith, this person has discovered such a tribe, inhabiting 
the country west of the mouth of the Missouri about 700 
miles ; and they treated him with friendship and hospitality, 
and adopted him as their son. Their language is the old 

1 Hanes y Bedyddwyr, by the Rev. Joshua Thomas, p. xviii. 
Memoirs of the Eev. W. Eichards, p. 267. 



112 MADOC. 

British, and he particularly noticed the common words to 
be the same as are now in use in Wales to describe the 
same objects, such as houses, light, windows, water, bread, 
&c. &c. The history these Indians give of themselves is 
this, that their ancestors came from a far country, and 
landed at the mouth of the Mississippi from thirteen ships, 
about the year of Christ 1018 ; there they built a town ; 
but since that period their descendants have been falling 
back to their present residence.' l 

This seems at first sight to be a hoax ; and the ignorance 
it displays of Welsh history, and of Indian life, to which 
windows and bread both in fact and name, are alike unknown 
warrants the supposition ; but, seeing that it was addressed 
by a young man to his father, and that a similar incapacity 
to discriminate between fact and conjecture is repeatedly 
displayed in the statements made in reference to this 
Cambrian tradition, I conclude that it is a mythic narrative 
an historic form given to a current expectation. The writer 
could have had no authority for his statement from John Evans, 
whose letters show that he knew the common date 1170; 
and the affirmation that the young man, meaning Evans, had 
fully accomplished the object of his journey was, as the 
sequel showed, a palpable misstatement. 

The same imaginative tendency displayed itself again in 
reference to the expedition of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, as 
appears from a letter addressed to the editors of the ' Greal ' by 
Mr. J. W. Prisiart (or Prichard), of Plas y Brain, in Anglesey. 
' Here,' says he, ' is a bit of a letter that came from Phila- 
delphia, from the brother of a neighbour of mine.' Then 
follows the extract which I subjoin : 

'Inform,' says the Philadelphian, 'William Jones, of 
Pont Ddu, that I intend to send him the history of the men 
who have been with the Welsh Indians at the farthest end of 
1 Burder, p. 27. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 113 

the Missouri. They have newly arrived in this State, but 
have not yet reached this city. Their history has been given 
in the newspaper here ; and a book of the history is now 
being made. They (the Welsh Indians) live at the farthest 
end of the river Missouri, which they (Lewis and Clarke ?) 
followed for four thousand miles from the Mississippi. They 
live at the other side of America, facing the Pacific Ocean. 
There are mountains in their country very rich in gold. 
Fifty persons started to discover the country, and but forty 
have returned. Five returned home when they had only 
gone half the way. 

' WILLIAM WILLIAMS, 

' formerly of Mynydd Paris. 
' Philadelphia, Oct. 6, 1806.' 

To this the editors append the following remark : 
' The travellers referred to went by order and at the cost 
of the Government ; and the whole of the history, when it is 
published, may be implicitly relied on.' * The remark was 
just ; but the expectation implied therein was destined to be 
disappointed. Captains Lewis and Clarke, though instructed 
to make inquiries for the Welsh Indians, failed to find any 
trace of that imaginary people. 

Discouraging as were these results, the tenacity of the 
Kymric mind offered a firm resistance. Convinced, sorely 
against their will, Welshmen remained of the same opinion 
still. They had been far too profoundly impressed by what 
they heard and read to accept these negative results ; the 
idea of the existence of the Madogwys, and the hope of dis- 
covering them, were far too grateful to the minds of my 
Cambro-brethren, and had been too fondly and sincerely 
cherished, to be relinquished without another effort ; and, 
accordingly, fourteen years later, when the effect of these 

1 Y Greal, December 21, 1806, p. 303. 



114 MADOC. 

failures had, in some measure, passed away, the Kymry of 
America determined to have another attempt made to discover 
the Welsh Indians. It was, therefore, resolved to employ 
two men, named Roberts and Perry, to institute another 
search. In this case, also, the attempt proved equally futile. 
Roberts published, in the form of a letter, an interesting 
account of his inquiries; and I subjoin the narrative in a 
translation of his own words. 

But it may be well, in the first place, to notice the 
expedition of Major Long, who was commissioned by the 
American Government, in 1819, to explore the region to the 
south of the Missouri. He started from Pittsburgh on 
May 5 ; but, when he was about to do so, Messrs. Roberts 
and Perry came to that place, on their route to St. Louis. 
They made known to him the object of their journey; and 
he informed them, in reply, that he had been advised by a 
Dr. Mitchell, of New York, to take a Welshman with him ; 
that he would take them ; and that General Clark, who was 
then Governor of the Missouri Territory, had informed him 
that the Welsh (Padouca ?) Indians lived in a valley near the 
Rocky Mountains, but that he could not give much of their 
history. They agreed to meet Major Long at St. Louis. 1 
Having met again at Cincinnati, the Major said, on recon- 
sideration, that as his party would be divided on the way, he 
could only take one up the Missouri, but that the other might 
go with the other party to explore the Arkansas river. If 
he went near the place where the Kymry (Padoucas ?) were 
thought to be, he would detach some of his men with one of 
them to visit the said Indians ; but he said that he should 
prefer seeing them himself. They deferred acceding to this 
suggestion until they met at St. Louis, where they proposed 

1 Letter of Mr. J. T. Roberts to his friends at Utica, dated Pittsburgh, 
May 1, 1819 ; Seren Gomer, September 1819, p. 292. See another 
letter in the same volume, p. 201. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 115 

to visit General Clark ; l and they ultimately resolved to stay 
at St. Louis until they should obtain some specific and reliable 
information. Major Long, however, did visit the region 
named as the residence of the Welsh Indians, namely, on the 
northern branch of the river Platte. This has been variously 
named Loup Fork and Padouca Fork. Major Long, with the 
main body of the explorers, visited there Pawnee villages ; 
but he found no reason to believe they were Welsh Indians. 
From thence the party descended to the Platte, and followed 
it to the Eocky Mountains. In the meantime the other 
division explored the Arkansas, where Captain Stoddart 
placed the Welsh Indians; but on neither river were any 
such people found. 2 

An inquiry was made in 1821, in the November number 
of a Welsh monthly publication called ' Goleuad Cymru,' by 
a writer signing himself 'Myvyr,' as to the result of the 
mission of Roberts and Perry ; and the following reply ap- 
peared in the same magazine for April 1822, with a very 
inappropriate, if not ironical, heading by the editor, the 
Rev. John Parry : 

' A NEW, TRUE, and REMARKABLE HISTORY respecting the 
Madogians or the WELSH INDIANS ; which will serve for an 
admirable reply to the enquiry of " Myvyr Glandwrdwy." 

' MR. GOLEUAWR (i.e. Illuminator), 

* A few weeks back I returned from the wilds of America, 
and saw in " Goleuad Cymru " an enquiry to this effect, viz. 
What became of the men who went from Utica and Stuben to 
seek the Madogians ? And what assistance did they receive 
from Wales ? I consider that it is my duty to reply to the 

1 Letter of Mr. Eoberts dated Cincinnati, May 11, published in 
Seren Gomer, loc. cit. 

2 Major Long's Expedition from Pittsburgh to the RocJcy 
Mountains, in 1819-1820, by Edwin James. 3 vols. 8vo. London, 
1823. 

I 2 






1 1 6 MADOC. 

enquiry, as I and a young man named Perry were the persons 
selected for that purpose. 

' About three years ago, there was no small commotion in 
Oneida County, North America, as well as in other places, 
among the Kymry, respecting the descendants of Madoc ab 
Owen Gwynedd. It was resolved that two men should go to 
the town of St. Louis, which is on the bank of the river 
Mississippi, a little below the junction of the Missouri with 
it, to make enquiries of the traders who deal with the Indians, 
as well as of their interpreters ; and to proceed further, if 
they obtained any satisfactory intelligence there respecting 
them. The reason we went to St. Louis rather than to any 
other place was because the Western Indians are better 
known there than in any other place in America. Hundreds 
of them descend every summer with hides, tallow, buffalo 
tongues, sugar, &c. Also, scores of persons every year, from 
St. Louis and its vicinities, ascend the Missouri and Mississippi 
rivers, for thousands of miles, to trade with the Indians and 
to shoot. 

' We started on our journey on the 14th of April, 1819, 
and reached St. Louis on the 28th of the following month. 
We saw there a great number of persons who had been 
thousands of miles up the Missouri ; also, some who knew 
the languages of all the Indians located on the Missouri 
waters. I saw several who had been four thousand miles up 
that river, who had crossed the Rocky Mountains, and had 
descended the river Columbia to the Pacific Ocean. 1 They 
all said that they had nowhere seen a tribe of White Indians; 
but they had, before starting, heard much respecting them ; 
and they expected to meet them on their journeys. Several 
of them said they had made many enquiries respecting them ; 
but they were then of opinion that the White Indians did 

1 This was the course taken by Lewis and Clarke, the latter of 
whom was stationed at St. Louis in an official capacity. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 117 

not exist upon the Missouri, nor upon the rivers which flow 
into it. I saw several persons who had been residing many 
years among the Indians, very near the Rocky Mountains, 
where the Missouri has its source. They also asserted that 
such a people as the Welsh Indians did not exist. I saw two 
or more men who said they understood the language of the 
Padoucas, viz. those whom many consider to be the Welsh 
Indians ; but they did not understand a word of Kymraeg. I 
made minute and diligent enquiries in St. Louis and its 
vicinities, for all who understood the languages of the 
Indians, which are very numerous, namely, the professional 
interpreters and others. I uttered to them Welsh words, 
such as haul, lloer, ser, pen, troed, llaw, &c. (i.e. sun, moon, 
stars, head, foot, hand) ; but no one of them understood one 
word. 

' I saw many strange Indians coming there at various 
times ; and I uttered to them various Welsh words ; but they 
quickly put their fingers in their ears, to signify that they 
did not understand. I went to a printing office in St. Louis, 
and got them to publish in their newspaper various traditions 
respecting the Welsh Indians, and that two persons had come 
there in search of them ; with an earnest request to their 
correspondents to give some account of them, if they could. 
These things appeared in other newspapers, from town to 
town, for hundreds of miles from thence to New Orleans, near 
the Mexican Gulf ; but not a word was heard of their history. 
I read there the work of Colonel Stoddart, viz. " The History 
of the Western Parts of America." He said that [a few years 
before he wrote, sixty Indians, speaking the Welsh language, 
had visited the town of Nackitoches ; and that] ! they dwelt 
on the Arkansas and the Red River under the name of letans 

1 The words in brackets do not occur in the original ; they have 
been inserted to complete and give a clear view of Stoddart's state- 
ment. 



118 MADOC. 

or Alitans. I saw some who said they understood the 
language of these Indians ; and I went to them expecting that 
I should be able to converse with them in my mother tongue ; 
but they did not understand a word of Kymraeg. 

' Therefore, on the whole, I failed to obtain any trustworthy 
information respecting the descendants of Madoc. I have 
now been satisfied, from the testimony of those who had 
traversed the country, that they do not dwell upon the river 
Missouri. Nevertheless, I am unwilling to conclude, in the 
face of all the statements made respecting them, that they do 
not exist. Still, I may boldly affirm that much that was said 
respecting them was untrue ; for, if they had been within two 
or three thousand miles on the Missouri, I feel assured that 
they could not be unknown to persons whom I saw at St. 
Louis. I resided more than two years in that town and its 
neighbourhood ; and my friend Perry ascended the Missouri 
for seven hundred miles, on other business. I heard from 
him the last summer. 

1 The contributions we received from Stuben and Utica 
were enough to pay our expenses to St. Louis ; we received 
no assistance from Wales. It would have been easy to 
obtain further supplies if we had seen reason to proceed 
farther. 

' After all, it is gratifying to reflect that there is one sure 
way to reach them (if they exist), if every other means prove 
unsuccessful, viz. by sending the everlasting Gospel to every 
nation under heaven. We have the assurance of the God of 
Truth that the Gospel shall come to every language, tribe, 
nation, and people. It would be well if energetic exertions 
were made to send the Gospel to the innumerable hosts of 
Indians inhabiting the wilds of America, who are now in 
profound darkness. Some missionaries and artisans have 
been sent to the west of the Mississippi ; and the Lord has 
crowned their labours with a large measure of success. I in- 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 119 

tend returning to America soon ; and if I obtain any account 
of value respecting the Madogians, I shall not be remiss in 

sending it to my countrymen. 

' I am, &c., 

* JOHN T. EGBERTS. 1 

* Rosa Vawr, near Denbigh : March 14, 1822.' 

This letter, the original of which has been repeatedly 
published, reflects much credit upon its writer, and shows him 
to have been well qualified for the duty he had undertaken ; 
and in the face of the facts therein stated, after the utter 
failure of such various and well-directed inquiries, it is very 
difficult to resist the conclusion that the Madogwys do not 
exist upon the Missouri. It had been repeatedly and confi- 
dently asserted that they were there to be found ; but, after 
the publication of this letter, such assertions became evidently 
untenable, and thenceforth they were very generally dis- 
credited. 

The last account I have seen of Roberts in connection with 
the discovery of Welsh Indians is contained in a letter which 
he sent from California, dated Sacramento City, November 
17, 1857, 2 in which he states that a Mr. Gilman had told him, 
on the authority of an old Mormonite woman, that there were 
White or Welsh Indians to the south-west of the Salt Lake. 
On examination, the proofs resolve themselves into three : 

1. That the Indians in question were religious, had 
a large meeting-house, and refused to be converted to Mor- 
monism. 

2. That they had red hair and light complexions. 

3. That they spoke Welsh. 

We shall speak of these again ; and at present will only 

1 Goleuad Cymru, 1822, p. 410; Scren Gomer, 1822, p. 113 ; Yr 
Ymofynydd, March 1859; Y Brython, April 1859. 

2 Published in the Amserau newspaper, March 31, 1858. See 
Appendix. 



1 20 MADOC. 

remark that red hair is a rarity among Indians ; that the 
Kymry are a dark-haired people, and that red hair, assuming 
the fact, would prove the said Indians to have descended from 
either Danes or Saxons rather than from any Kymric 
parentage. And then, as to the only point of any importance, 
namely, their speaking Welsh, that rests on the authority of 
the old woman : but who is to answer that she knew Welsh ? 
We have seen from Roberts's former account that the Hietan 
Indians were said to have spoken Welsh ; but an interpreter, 
whom he saw, said there was no resemblance between the 
two languages. So in this case we ought to have some better 
evidence than the story of an old woman, who may not have 
known Welsh herself, and that story told at third hand. 

It thus appears that all attempts hitherto made by com- 
petent persons to discover the Welsh Indians have proved 
futile. It might, indeed, be suggested that the inquiries did 
not proceed far enough ; that they did not display sufficient 
zeal ; or that the Madogwys may exist in some other quarter ; 
but the first objection cannot apply to John Evans, who 
visited the Mandans, nor to Captains Lewis and Clarke. 
Mr. Roberts, in the face of his discouragements, could not have 
been expected to proceed farther ; and no other region offered 
so much promise as the banks of the Missouri. It, therefore, 
only remains for us to examine the evidences adduced, to see 
whether they afford a sufficient presumption in favour of the 
Madogian hypothesis. On careful examination, the evidences 
resolve themselves into four classes : 

1. Statements manifestly fraudulent. 

2. Statements irrelevant to the inquiry. 

3. Evidences possibly capable of being otherwise inter- 
preted; and 

4. Positive affirmations, which, if true, prove the existence 
of Welsh Indians in America. 

1. To the first class we may assign one of the assertions of 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 121 

Mr. Binon ; the statement of Stedman ; the letter of Colonel 
Cochran ; and the letter of Lieutenant Roberts. 

(a.) We have seen already that the idea of Madoc's tomb- 
stone originated in the fertile brain of James Howell ; that 
the so-called ' epitaph ' was first cited as the reference of a 
Cambrian bard to Madoc's seafaring predilections, and 
without any reference to a tombstone; and that the lines 
occur only in a poem composed in the middle of the fifteenth 
century. If, therefore, Mr. Binon affirmed that he had been 
shown a stone with an inscription in memory of one Madog, 
he must have told a manifest untruth; but it should be 
observed, in justice to this old gentleman, who, I am informed, 
was an eccentric ' Herbal doctor,' that the statement does not 
occur in Edward Williams's first account of the conversation, 
and may possibly not have been made by him. 

(5) The assertion of Stedman, told at third hand, was not 
only false, but also displayed a considerable amount of igno- 
rance on the part of all the parties concerned ; for no Indian 
descendants of Madoc could have used the modern designation 
' Great Britain.' 

(c) The letter of Colonel Cochran was copied for Mr. 
Maurice Morgan, about 1763-5, in order to show Lord 
Shelburne. Mr. Morgan was a native of Pembrokeshire, 
and at that time occupied the important position of Under 
Secretary of State. He is known in the world of letters as 
the author of an admirable essay on ' The Character of Falstaff,' 
and was far too acute a critic to be imposed upon by such a 
clumsy fabrication. The assertion that the French priests 
had brought ' Old Welsh Bibles ' from among the ' Welsh 
Indians ' struck him at once as a falsehood ; and he very 
properly told Lord Shelburne that the letter deserved no 
notice. 

The suggestion of Dr. Williams that the Bibles may have 
been left by recent visitors was simply an indication of his 



122 MADOC. 

weakness and credulity, and was completely disposed of by 
the subsequent admission of Colonel Cochran to Mr. Morgan 
at New York, two or three years afterwards, that the letter 
was founded on a delusion. 1 Mr. Morgan was sent out to 
Canada by Lord Shelburne, afterwards Marquis of Lansdowne, 
to legislate for that colony, after its conquest by Wolfe in 
1759, and cession by the French in 1763. He then served 
either in conjunction with or under the orders of Sir Guy 
Carleton. 2 

The statement of Mr. or Lieutenant Roberts presents 
evident marks of fabrication. An Indian would not have 
understood an oath, as we learn from the recently published 
work of Paul Kane, who affirms that the Indian languages 
contain no oaths ; 3 the oath ' myn diawl ' is therefore a fiction, 
and only serves to damage the character of the witness. 
Women among Indians occupy a degraded position ; Indian 
chiefs felt insulted when Catlin proposed to paint the por- 
traits of their ' squaws ' ; and the last thing an Indian would 
have spoken of would have been his maternal language. The 
name ' Asquaw ' is simply a fabrication from ' squaw ' : there 
was no Indian tribe so called. No one who had heard of 
' Lloegr ' and { Saeson,' words only used by Welshmen, could 
have been unacquainted with the designation ' Cymru.' The 
' eastern ' origin is at variance with all Indian tradition; the 
location ' 800 miles S.W. of Philadelphia ' is simply the 
common formula, with a blundering substitution of S.W. for 
N.W. ; and the assertion that the Indian chief spoke Welsh 
as fluently as a native of Snowdon simply proves that Mr. 
Roberts was shamelessly mendacious. Several instances 

1 Williams, Farther Observations, p. 24. 

2 Dr. Symonds, Life of Morgan, prefixed to the Essay on Falstaffe ; 
Fenton's Pembrokeshire, p. 491; Hume's History of England, Ann. 
1759-1763 ; Dr. Richards, Gentleman's Magazine, June 1791. 

3 Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America. 
London, 1859, p. 183. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 123 

occur of Europeans having adopted Indian habits, and of 
their sons having become chiefs; the names Clennont, 
Prettyman, Gillivray, and John Ross occur as those of Indian 
chiefs; Price, the Creek chief, and companion of Bowles, 
another Cherokee chief, was the son of a Welshman ; and 
Oceola, the Seminole chief, was the son of a Welshman 
named Powell ; but I fear that Mr. Roberts's story has not 
even this amount of truth. Were it a verity, other Welsh- 
men living at Washington would have heard of, and known, 
the said Indian chief; but we find that they were wholly un- 
conscious of any such circumstances as Mr. Roberts relates : 
as the Rev. Jenkin Davies, a Baptist minister, in a letter 
dated ' Washington Village, November 5, 1805 ' (the very year 
when Roberts made his statement), written in answer to in- 
quiries respecting Welsh Indians, states that he had heard much 
in England and America of such a people ; but that he had no 
surer information respecting them than the statement of 
a South-Walian named Richards, who said he had seen 
Welsh Indians, but that he did not understand them very 
well, because they talked North Wales Welsh ! A companion 
named Jones understood them better ; but he had been killed 
in trying to make his escape from other Indians. 1 

That some such hoaxes were perpetrated and imposed 
upon the credulity of the Welsh Indophilists is abundantly 
clear. A letter dated February 21, 1819, appeared in the 
' Courier ' newspaper a few days afterwards, was thence 
copied into the ' Cambrian,' and thence again translated for 
* Seren Gomer.' It was signed ' Owen Williams,' professedly 
a fur trader from Baltimore, then in London, and it affected 
surprise that anyone doubted the existence of the Welsh 
Indians. The writer said he had traded with hundreds of 
them ; they lived on the Madooga river, in latitude 40, and 
longitude 80, spoke purer Welsh than the Kymry, were 
1 Seren Gomer, 1818, p. 342. 



1 2 I MADOC. 

named Brydones and Madogians, could read well, had many 
MSS., and their religion was a compound of Christianity and 
Druidism ! This highly-coloured narrative excited suspicion ; 
and, on inquiry at the ' Courier ' office, it was found to be in 
a handwriting known to Koberts of Llwynrhudol as that of a 
' mother's accursed,' and thought to be Dr. John Jones. 1 
Another letter, signed 'H. Phillips, Bridgend, Glamorganshire,' 
was published in the ' Carmarthen Journal ' for March 23, 
1821 ; it related the discovery by ' a gentleman ' of twenty-six 
Welsh Indians in Indiana ; but the editor of ' Seren Gomer ' 
thought it looked very like Owen Williams's letter, and de- 
clined to copy it. 2 As the letter of Owen Williams was the 
original authority respecting the Brydones, I need not allude 
to them any further. 

I am, therefore, of opinion that all these statements must 
be eliminated from the inquiry. 

2. We come, in the next place, to consider the asser- 
tions of Sutton, Rimington, Gibson, and Chisholm. The 
latter does not affirm that he knew Welsh, or had heard 
Indians speaking it ; but simply that he had been among 
' White Indians,' and that a Padouca chief had a book, 
which he thought was a Romish missal. Mr. Gibson does 
not affirm that he knew Welsh ; neither does it appear how 
he came to suppose that the Indians he knew spoke 'Welsh.' 
Mr. Rimington saw strange Indians, whom someone declared 
to be ' Welsh ' Indians ; but Jack Hughes, the interpreter, 
does not appear to have confirmed the statement ; and 
Benjamin Sutton heard a Welshman named Lewis speaking 
to some Indians ; but Lewis does not seem to have said that 
they were ' Welsh ' ; nor does Sutton seem to have understood 
the language of the Kymry. 

3. The evidences of the third class are less open to 

1 Seren Gomer, 1819, pp. 93, 136 ; Cambro- Briton, vol. i. p. 62. 
3 Seren Gomer, 1821, p. 122. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 125 

objection on the score of untruthfulness ; but it may be 
doubted whether they do not admit of explanation on some 
other hypothesis. There are Indians of many colours 
yellow skins, cinnamon-coloured, tawny, and copper-coloured 
tribes; and there are albinoes, or persons with white hair, 
eyelashes, and skins among several of these tribes ; but these 
are exceptional instances, and no conclusion can safely be 
drawn therefrom. There are pictorial skins among these 
tribes, but they are not Bibles ; and, indeed, the c Bibles ' may 
be said to dissolve when the assertions respecting them are 
closely examined. The ' Brydones ' had a Bible ; but then 
there were no Indians of that name ; they and their Bibles 
were the figment of the brain of ' Owen Williams.' Captain 
Davies's Mud Indians had a ' manuscript Welsh Bible ' ; but if 
the two statements of his evidence be compared, it will be 
seen that the MS. story appears in only one of them. Truth, 
when twice told, will be consistent ; but falsehood varies. 
The nameless captive clergyman who saw a ' Welsh Bible ' is 
admitted to be the alter ego of the Rev. Morgan Jones ; 
but, as Mr. Jones mentions no such thing, the { Bible ' must 
have been a fictitious addition. And Colonel Cochran's ' Old 
Welsh Bibles ' are admitted to have been delusive coinages of 
heated imaginations. We can, therefore, only admit the 
existence of pictorial documents ; for it is abundantly clear 
from other facts that the North American Indians were 
wholly unacquainted with books and letters. The Indian 
languages have no names for these things. When the Scrip- 
tures came to be translated into their languages, it was found 
necessary to give new meanings to their words, and to intro- 
duce English words where the Indians had nothing analo- 
gous. Thus, in translating Daniel v. 24, 25, vi. 9, and John 
xix. 19, it was found necessary to use the Indian . word for 
painting, i.e. wussuk, to denote writing and written ; and in 
translating Matt. i. 1, 2 Kings v. 9, and xxii. 8, it was 



126 MADOC. 

found necessary to transfer the English word book, as the 
Indians have no such word or thing. 

The monuments on the Ohio and Missouri, the coloured 
pottery, quasi Welsh castles and churches, religious tradi- 
tions, and civilised arts, are also facts ; but whether the 
Madoc theory is the only possible solution of their existence 
will form the subject of further remark. One account 
{' Seren Gomer,' 1818, p. 317) speaks of 'Roman coins' 
found in Kentucky about 1815 ; but Catlin does not seem to 
have heard of them, and I know of no sufficient authority for 
the statement. 

4. Lastly, we have a considerable number of testimonies 
in favour of 'Welsh-speaking' Indians. These may be 
ranged under two heads, viz. direct and indirect evidences. 
Of these the second class consists of the statements of 
persons who did not themselves understand Welsh, but who 
say that they heard Welshmen conversing with Indians in a 
language which the Welshmen affirmed to be Kymraeg. 
And some of them are still further removed from direct 
testimony. 

(a) In the ' indirect ' class we may place the letter of the 
Rev. Morgan Rees, ' a respectable inhabitant of Kentucky,' 
who wrote to the Rev. Dr. Richards of Lynn, and stated, on 
the authority of ' a report ' in that country, that a Welshman 
among an exploring party met with Indians with whom he 
could talk. It is not said expressly that the conversation 
was in Welsh, 1 but that is implied ; and ' they exceeded him, 
as not being so corrupt in their language.' 

Captain Chaplain heard two Welshmen converse with 
Indians in Welsh at Kaskaski ; Captain Davies heard Welsh- 
men converse with the Mud Indians; Mr. Willin had 
Welsh settlers at Natches who understood the Indians, and 
affirmed that tley spoke Welsh; Sir John Caldwell had 
1 Border, p. 11. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 127 

Welshmen in his company who affirmed the language of the 
Pawnees to be Welsh ; Davey, the companion of Captain 
Stewart, made the same assertion of the Indians of the Red 
River ; General Bowles's Welsh friend and Mr. Price's father 
said that Welsh was the language of the Padoucas. 

In these cases the evidence is all secondary, and does not 
rest upon the authority of our informants. They seem to 
have had no means of testing the accuracy of the assertions 
made to them, and it is, therefore, within the range of ordinary 
possibilities that they might have been deceived. 

(6) The ' direct ' testimonies are those of the Rev. 
Morgan Jones and Mr. Binon. The narratives attributed to 
the ' clergyman ' and Morris Griffith are evidently amplifica- 
tions of Jones's statement respecting the Doegs, and may be 
set aside ; so that for our purpose the original statement is 
alone available. That was made by a Welshman who had 
graduated at Oxford, and professedly rested on his own 
experiences. He was qualified to judge as to what was or 
was not Welsh ; and his statement must necessarily be either 
strictly true or manifestly false, for it cannot be placed on 
any intermediate ground. 

The statement of Mr. Binon is equally direct ; but his 
qualifications do not seem so satisfactory. He is reported to 
have said that he had heard Indians speaking purer Kymraeg 
than was spoken in Glamorganshire ; but it was admitted that 
he could not read the c Indian Welsh ' if he could read at 
all ; and as he left Wales when very young, and before he 
had learned any alphabet, and remained away thirty years, we 
may reasonably be a little sceptical as to his competency to 
speak of the purity of ' Indian Welsh.' Indeed, there is only 
evidence at third hand that he knew Welsh at all ; and it 
must be quite apparent that his statement betrays an 
acquaintance with the famous narrative of Jones, and that of 
Jones's other self, the ' clergyman ' and ' prophet,' who was 



128 MADOC. 

said to have interpreted the MS. Bible which did not 
exist. 

The assertions of Stedman and Oliver Humphreys may 
also appear to be direct evidences ; but the first is very- 
suspicious, if not positively false ; and the second, in affirm- 
ing that the ' pirate ' learnt the language of an Indian tribe, 
with whom he could have had but little communication, and 
that in a very short space of time, makes a large demand 
upon our faith. Still, it is possible that both may have a 
slight substratum of fact. 

It is thus seen that the whole of the direct evidence 
collapses, and all that remains is that of the Rev. Morgan 
Jones. That is evidently connected in some way with the 
statements of Stedman and Humphreys, for they all refer to 
the same locality, and they are nearly coincident in date. 
Jones says his adventure took place in 1660 ; Stedman 's 
occurred about 1674 ; and Humphreys died a little before 
1704. But Jones published no account of his marvellous 
' discovery ' for upwards of twenty-five years (i.e. not until 
1686), and Stedman and Humphreys became first known to 
us in 1704. Did Stedman borrow from Jones? Did both 
Jones and Stedman find a vague story of this sort floating 
about in America, and appropriate it to themselves ? Or was 
there any peculiarity about the Indians of Cape Hat- 
teras ? 

The internal evidence of Jones's letter is very unsatisfac- 
tory. The date, 1660, is at least ten years too early ; for the 
introduction of the name West namely, that of Joseph West, 
shows that Jones had but a confused knowledge of the facts 
to which he refers ; and his historical perspective is so indis- 
tinct that he has represented as one combined movement 
three independent expeditions, separated by intervals of two 
and four years, starting from opposite points, and directed to 
three different places. The first of these was an expedition 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 129 

set on foot by the planters of Barbadoes. They had sent a 
party to inspect the coast of Carolina in 1663 ; and two years 
afterwards, Sir John Yeamans, a needy planter, led a band of 
emigrants, and effected a settlement on the south side of Cape 
Fear. 1 In the following year (1666) the north part of 
Carolina was constituted into a regular settlement by Sir 
William Berkeley, the Governor of Virginia. 2 And in 
January 1670 a considerable number of emigrants left 
England under the auspices of the corporate body called 
'Proprietaries,' who claimed under a Royal Charter the pos- 
session of a great part of North America. They were con- 
ducted by one Joseph West, as agent for the Proprietaries, 
and by William Sayle, as governor of the settlement they 
intended to effect. They touched at Bermuda, or, as some 
improperly say, at Barbadoes, and settled themselves at 
Oyster Point, now Charleston so called from Charles II. 3 
This, it is evident, was the expedition referred to, and the 
Rev. Morgan Jones had some indistinct knowledge thereof ; 
but it is difficult to believe that a man who described three 
distinct settlements as only one, and antedated a compara- 
tively recent event by ten years, was recounting his personal 
experiences ; and the truth seems to be that he had only a 
hearsay knowledge of these events. Even if we assume the 
true date to be 1669, that would still be a full year too early, 
and leave other difficulties unexplained. He may have been 
chaplain to General Bennet of Nousemund (not Mansoman) 
County ; but as the Virginians had nothing to do with the 
Oyster Point settlement, he could not have been sent there 
as minister ; and, besides, that settlement was not neglected. 
A glance at a good map will show that a journey from Oyster 
Point to Roanoke, at that time, was an arduous undertaking ; 
and as Yeamans, who succeeded Sayle in the following year, 

1 Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. i. p. 450, Routledge's edit. 
2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. pp. 472-75. 

K 



130 MADOC. 

was already settled to the north at Cape Fear, there was no 
necessity for risking so perilous an adventure. 

At the next stage, Jones's narrative appears to receive 
some confirmation from the Autobiography of George Fox. 
There does not appear to have been any actual war between 
the Tuscaroras and the settlers in North Carolina in or about 
1660 or 1669 ; but the relations between them appear to have 
been unfriendly ; and Fox states that, when he was there in 
1672, the Emperor of the Tuscaroras ' was come ' to Captain 
Batts, the Governor of Roanoke, ' to treat of peace. 5 * 

Upon the same authority we learn that one of their chiefs 

was friendly to the whites ; and hence the intervention on 

behalf of Jones might be explained, without assuming that 

the Indian chief was of Welsh origin. Fox paid them a 

visit, and preached to them by means of an interpreter ; and 

their young king, with others of their chief men, seemed to 

receive kindly what he said to them. At another meeting, in 

the same district, there was ' an Indian captain who was very 

loving, and acknowledged it to be truth that was spoken. 

There was also an Indian priest, whom they call a Pawaw, 

who sat soberly among the people.' This ' loving captain ' 

may have been the person who befriended Jones, assuming 

the truth of his story ; but no sooner do we concede this than 

we are involved in another difficulty. The head-quarters of 

the Tuscaroras were on the river Neuse, in the centre of 

North Carolina. This river, like the Pamlico, falls into 

Pamlico Sound ; but it is difficult to believe that the Doegs 

were in alliance with the Tuscaroras, or located near Cape 

Hatteras ; for we read that the Hatteras Indians were called 

Yeopims ; 2 and we know that in early maps of North America 

the Doegs or Doogs are placed considerably to the north, in 

Virginia, between the Potomac and the Rappahanoc, a little 

1 Fox's Journal, vol. i. pp. 173, 174. 
3 Bancroft, vol. i. p. 449. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 131 

to the eastward of the falls on the latter river. 1 Hence we 
may conclude that they were Algonquins rather than Iroquois, 
and that they acknowledged the authority of the successors of 
Powhattan rather than that of the ' Emperor ' of the Tusca- 
roras. We have now a considerable amount of information 
respecting the Algonquin and Iroquois class of languages, 
and are enabled to affirm that these Indians neither did nor 
could speak Welsh. 

Another fact unfavourable to Jones's credit is his paren- 
thetical reference to the Doegs, ' whose original I found (or 
find) must needs be from the Welsh (or Old Britons).' The 
Rev. Theophilus Evans inferred from this that Jones was 
unacquainted with the asserted discovery of America by 
Madoc ; but to me it seems that this ignorance was affected, 
in order to give his narrative an air of truth, and of unex- 
pected discovery ; for the ignorance of a Welshman, and a 
student of Jesus College, Oxford, of this national tale is in- 
credible, especially when it is considered that the literature 
of that period was full of it, and that a considerable number 
of the following works were published before he left Wales, 
viz. : 

Powel's ' Historie of Cambria,' 1584 ; Hakluyt's ' Voyages,' 
1589, 1599-1600 ; Purchas's ' Pilgrimage,' 1613, 1614, 1617, 
1626; Sir Thomas Herbert's 'Travels,' 1634; Howell's 
Letter, dated 1630, published in 1645; also Letter dated 1654, 
published 1655 ; Charles Edwards's < Diffyniad y Ffydd,' 1671 
(Oxford, 1677). Thomas and Charles Lloyd knew of it before 
1682, and the latter possessed Powel's ' History.' 

It is, therefore, highly improbable that Jones was ignorant 
of what every other Welshman of education knew, and held 
in much estimation. 

The pathetic incident in Jones's story is also provocative 
of suspicion, and it is not improbable that the real solution 

1 Thornton, Maps and Charts of North America, folio, 1704. 

K 2 



132 MADOC. 

is this : that the Rev. Morgan Jones has claimed for himself 
an adventure that befell Captain John Smith, often named 
the ' Father of Virginia.' The story is told by the hero 
himself, in his ' True Relation ' of events connected with the 
colonisation of Virginia, printed in 1608; it is abridged by 
Bancroft, 1 and is repeatedly referred to in" Thackeray's 
1 Virginians.' Penetrating into the interior, with some com- 
panions, in the year 1604, along the Chickahominy river, 
they were taken prisoners by the Indians. His companions 
were put to death ; but he, preserving his calmness, awed the 
Indians by the display of a pocket compass, and by exhibition 
of superior knowledge. The Indians were for some time 
undetermined what to do with him ; but, after practising 
incantations for three days, after many consultations and 
delays, and after postponing several resolutions to put him 
to death, the ultimate decision was referred to Powhattan, the 
* Emperor of the Country,' whose residence was then in 
Gloucester County on York River. Here Smith's manners 
interested Natoaca or Metoaca, better known by her title 
Pocahontas, the daughter of Powhattan, a young girl twelve 
years old, who, when the uplifted tomahawk was about to 
descend upon him, sprang towards him, clung firmly to his 
neck, and entreated the Indians to spare the agreeable 
stranger, that he might make hatchets for her father, and 
rattles and beads for herself, the favourite child. This saved his 
life ; Smith remained among them for some time ; he learned 
the Indian language ; and when he had succeeded in establish- 
ing peaceful intercourse between them and the colonists, the 
Indians dismissed him with mutual promises of friendship 

1 Hist. United States, vol. i. p. 99, Routledge's edit. [Captain 
Smith's collected works have recently been reprinted by Mr. Edward 
Arber, in his English Scholar's Library, 1884. The deliverance by 
Pocahontas is not mentioned in the True Relation of 1608, but is first 
mentioned in the Generall Historic of Virginia &c. published in 1624. 
See Arber's reprint, p. 400.] 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 133 

and benevolence. 1 We have here all the prominent features 
of Jones's narrative ; and it is not improbable that Captain 
Smith was the real hero of the adventure, which Jones per- 
verted to his own use, and the deception of his countrymen. 
Else, how is it that none of the many Welshmen in America 
had known of this adventure ? 

It is said by the Eev. John Williams (Ab Ithel), whose 
essay on the Madoc question has been published in the ' Cam- 
brian Journal,' 2 that about the middle of the seventeenth 
century a Captain Jocelyne published a ' History of Virginia,' 
giving a similar account of an adventure among the Tuscaroras 
and Doegs ; and that the story is told in Jocelyne's words in 
the ' Turkish Spy,' vol. viii. p. 205 ; but the ' Spy ' in the 
place cited does not make any reference to Jocelyne or any 
other authority. The letter in the ' Spy ' bears the fictitious 
date ' Paris ; the 2nd day of the 1 1th moon, in the year 1682,' 
and, if the letters were genuine, would indicate some earlier 
authority than Jones, whose narrative is dated * New York, 
March 10, 1686.' In that case ' Jocelyn ' might stand for 
' John Smith ' ; but, in reality, the letter affords traces of 
an acquaintance with Jones's narrative, in the reference 
to the Tuscaroras and Doegs ; and as the volume was pub- 
lished in 1694, after Jones's story had been made known 
in England and Wales, this involves no difficulty. As 
this curious old collection is of somewhat rare occurrence, 
the letter is here subjoined. The letter purports to be 
addressed ' to Kerk Hassan, Bassa,' and, after describing 
King Charles II., England, and the Popish plot, the writer 
says: 

' This Prince, as I said before, has several Nations under 
his Dominion ; and, 'tis thought, he scarce knows the just 
extent of his Territories in America. There is a region in 
that Continent, inhabited by a People whom they call Tuscaroras 

1 [Arber's edit. pp. 400, 581.} 2 [Vol. for 1859, p. 104.] 



134 MADOC. 

and Doegs. Their language is the same as is spoken by the 
British or Welsh ; a Nation that formerly possessed all the 
Island of Great Britain, but were driven out of it into a 
Mountainous Corner of the Island, where their Posterity remain 
to this Day. 

' These Tuscaroras and Doegs of America are thought to 
descend from them, being the Posterity of such as follow'd 
the Fortune of one Madoc a British Prince, who, about Five or 
Six Hundred Years ago, being discontented at Home, resolv'd 
to seek Adventures Abroad. Wherefore, being provided with 
Ships, Men, and all other Necessaries, he made a Voyage 
towards the West, over the Atlantic^ Ocean, not knowing what 
would be the Event of his Undertaking. However, the Moon 
had scarce twice completed Her Voyage through the ZodiacJc, 
when an end was put to His on the -Sea, by landing in America, 
where he planted a Colony of Britains, and then returned to 
his native Country. But soon after he put to sea again, and 
sailed directly to the same place. What became of him. 
afterwards is not certainly known. But the inhabitants of 
that Province [Wales ? or America ?] have a Tradition, that he 
lived to a Great Age, and saw his people multiplied to many 
Thousands, before he died. For in the Second Voyage he carried 
over British Women with him for the sake of Posterity. They 
show his Tomb to this Day ; with Beads, Crucifixes, and other 
Reliques. It is certain that, when the Spaniards first conquer'd 
Mexico, they were surpriz'd to hear the Inhabitants discourse 
of a strange People that formerly came thither in Corraughs, 
who taught them the knowledge of God and Immortality ; 
instructed them also in Virtue and Morality, and prescribed 
Holy Rites and Ceremonies of Religion. 'Tis remarkable, also, 
what an Indian king said to a Spaniard, viz., " That in Fore- 
going Ages, a Strange People arrived there by Sea, to whom 
his ancestors gave Hospitable Entertainment ; in regard they 
found them men of Wit and Courage, endued also with many 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 135 

other Excellencies. But he could give no account of their 
original or Name." And Montezuma, Emperor of Mexico, told 
Fernando Cortez, the Spanish King's Ambassador, and 
General in those Parts, "That his own Ancestors Landed 
there as Strangers, being conducted by a certain Great 
Man, who tarried there a while, and then departed, having 
left a considerable number of Followers behind him. 
After a Year, he returned again with a greater Company ; 
and that from Him the Emperors of Mexico derived their 
Pedigree, and his subjects from the Rest." The British 
Language is so prevalent here, that the very Towns, Bridges, 
Beasts, Birds, Rivers, Hills, &c., are call'd by British or 
Welsh names. And a certain Inhabitant of Virginia (a place 
subject to the King of Great Britain}, straggling not long ago 
into the Wilderness, by chance, fell among a People who ac- 
cording to some Law or Custom of theirs condemned him to 
Death; when he, in Hearing of them, made his Prayer 
to God in the British Tongue ; upon which he was Re- 
leas'd.' ! 

These ' Letters of a Turkish Spy ' were the work of a 
Scotchman named John Cleland. The work alluded to as 
' Jocelyne's History of Virginia ' was probably one of the 
curious publications of John Josselyn, who paid a visit to New 
England in 1638-9, and another in 166371. He published 
his impressions of the country in two works, viz. : ' New 
England's Rarities Discovered,' 8vo. 1672, 1674, 1675 ; and 
' An Account of Two Voyages to New England,' 12mo. 1674. 
From pp. 123 to 144 of the latter work, he describes the 
inhabitants of New England and Virginia, and speaks of 
many of their customs as resembling those of the Ancient 
Britons ; but they are not called by him Welsh Indians. The 
author seems a little credulous, for he tells us that some frogs, 

1 The Turkish Spy, London, 1694, vol. viii. Book 3, Letter 12, 
p. 202. 



136 MADOC. 

when they sit upon their breech, are a foot high ' ; and that 
' barley frequently degenerates into oats.' l 

There is, indeed, a semblance of an earlier authority for 
the existence of Welsh Indians than Jones's narrative. After 
Penn had obtained a cession of land in America, in 1681, it 
is said that he endeavoured to induce his Quaker friends in 
England and Wales to join him in founding a new settle- 
ment ; that, in or about 1682, an Address to this effect was 
circulated among the Quakers in South Wales ; that in this 
it is reported to have been said that many credible accounts 
had been received of the discovery among the Indians of a 
people who spoke Welsh, and who were supposed to be the 
descendants of Madoc's Colony ; and that the discovery was 
attributed to some of Penn's own attendants. 2 I have searched 
in vain for this Address ; but think it in the highest degree 
improbable that Penn ever issued any document containing 
these assertions, which would have been utterly at variance 
with his deliberately expressed opinion that the American 
Indians were the descendants of the lost tribes of Israel. 3 
We also have letters from Welshmen in Pennsylvania, of 
about the same date, which speak of their Indian neighbours, 
but give no hint whatever as to their being of Welsh origin. 4 
On the contrary, they exclude any such supposition, as an ex- 
tract from one, written in the year 1705, will clearly show : 

' He (Penn) also bought the freehold of the soil from the 
Indians a savage race of men, who have lived here from 

1 Notes and Queries, April 6, 1861 ; 2nd series, vol. xi. p. 267. 

2 Ab Ithel ; Cambrian Journal, 1859, p. 105. 

3 Clarkson, Life of Penn, vol. i. p. 397. Letter, dated August 16, 
1683 : ' For their original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish 
race, I mean of the stock of the ten tribes.' ' The passage is not im- 
possible from the easternmost parts of Asia to the westernmost of 
America.' The latter was a bold and sagacious conjecture : it is now 
known to have been true. 

4 Y Greal, 1806, p. 210 ; Y Guryliedydd for 1831, p. 15 ; Cambrian 
Quarterly Magazine, vol. iii. p. 141. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 137 

time immemorial, as far as I am able to understand. They 
can give no account of themselves, not knowing whence or 
when they came here an irrational set I should imagine ; 
but they have some kind of reason too, and extraordinary 
natural endowments, in their peculiar way. They are very 
observant of their customs, and more unblamable, in many 
respects, than we are. They had neither towns nor villages, 
but lived in booths or tents.' 

Penn's Addresses in the years 1681, 1682, and 1683, 
frequently mention the Indians, but only to enjoin a fair and 
just treatment of them by the emigrants. A large number 
of Quakers from Wales joined in the ' Holy Experiment,' 
influenced by the religious persecutions at home, and the 
hope of greater liberty of conscience in the Free Democracy 
of Pennsylvania ; and it was the intention of Penn to name 
his settlement New Wales, after the analogy of New England 
an intention frustrated by a Welshman, Blathwayte, the 
Secretary of Charles II. 1 A misconception of these facts 
formed the only basis for the story of the Address. 

But, it may be asked, is it probable that such a story as 
that of Jones could have been a pure invention ? Even on 
this point it is not difficult to suggest an unfavourable answer. 
Roanoke, it will be observed, figures prominently in Jones's 
narrative ; and at Roanoke there had been several early 
settlements of Europeans. Pamlico Sound and Roanoke Island 
were explored by Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584; and a colony 
under one Ralph Lane was settled there in 1585, with the sanc- 
tion, of the Indians, who treated the whites in a very friendly 
manner. One of these, named Hariot, displayed the Bible to the 
natives, and explained its truths ; and they, reveriug the Book 
rather than its doctrines, embraced it, kissed it, and held it to 
their breasts and heads, as if it had been an amulet. The colony 
was visited by Sir Francis Drake in 1586 ; and the colonists, 

1 Clarkson, Life of Penn, vol. i. p. 279 ; Dixon, do. p. 228. 



1 38 MAUOC. 

being ill-provisioned, and having become despondent, induced 
him to take them away. In the meantime, Raleigh, mindful 
of their wants, had sent a vessel with supplies ; but it arrived 
a few days too late. In another fortnight Sir Richard Gren- 
ville came with three well-provisioned ships ; and, finding 
Lane had departed, he left a second colony of fifty men at 
Roanoke, as guardians of English rights. Raleigh, ever 
chivalrous, sent another band of settlers in 1587, under one 
John White, who, on his arrival, found that Grenville's men 
had been murdered by the Indians; but a friendly chief 
named Manteo, by the command of Raleigh, received Christian 
baptism, and was named Lord of Roanoke. As the time 
came for the departure of the ship, this colony also became 
despondent, and urged White to return and bring back rein- 
forcements. He left his grandchild, born there, and named 
from the place of her birth, VIRGINIA, at Roanoke ; and the 
colony then consisted of eighty-nine men, seventeen women, 
and two children ; but more than a year elapsed before White 
could return ; and then Roanoke was a desert. An inscrip- 
tion on the bark of a tree pointed to Croatan, but no search 
was then made for the settlers. Raleigh, however, was more 
zealous. Five several times he sent parties to search for his 
liegemen ; but they were never found. It has been conjectured 
that the deserted colony were hospitably adopted into the 
tribe of the Hatteras Indians (Jones's Doegs), and became 
amalgamated with them. The traditions of the natives at a 
later day affirmed this to be the fact ; they said their fore- 
fathers could ' talk in a book ' ; and this statement has been 
thought to derive confirmation from the physical character of 
the tribe, in which the English and Indian seem to have been 
blended ; l for the Hatteras Indians have grey eyes, and therein 
differ from all the other tribes. 2 

1 Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. i. pp. 70-82. 
3 Lawson, Voyage to Carolina, p. 62. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 139 

There is no evidence that I am aware of, whether there 
were or were not any Welshmen among these colonists ; but 
it must be evident that this colony, and the tradition respect- 
ing its fate, have an important bearing on the narrative under 
consideration. If this tradition was known to Jones, it might 
have suggested the idea of a Welsh origin for the Hatteras 
Indians. In any case, his narrative ceases to have any 
relevance to the Madoc legend; for the Hatteras Indians, even 
if they had a few Welsh words among them, would have been 
descendants of Raleigh's colonists, not of Madoc and his 
followers. The truth or falsehood of Jones's narrative does 
not affect this conclusion. If he really was at Oyster Point, 
and attempted to make his way through the wilderness, it is 
not improbable that some such incident may have occurred ; 
for the Indians, steeped in superstition, would naturally 
respect the sacred office of a clergyman, as they revere their 
own ' mystery man,' and the Hatteras Indians would be more 
likely to do so than any others. But the essential part of 
Jones's story, the assertion that an Indian chief addressed him 
in Welsh, and that he preached in Welsh to the Doegs, three 
times a week, and for four months, must have been a false- 
hood, and may have been intended as a hoax. The simplicity 
of the Welsh character favoured its circulation ; the stern 
Puritanical logic, that knows nothing but absolute truth or 
malignant falsehood, naturally led them to place implicit 
confidence in the formal affirmation of a minister of the 
Gospel ; and the lore of the antiquary gave ' confirmation 
strong as holy writ ' to a fiction and a deliberate untruth. 

An examination of the American languages strengthens 
this negative conclusion. The statements made in reference 
to ' Welsh Indians ' point in three directions, namely, to the 
Mexican frontier, to the Missouri, and to the east of the Mis- 
sissippi. Reserving the first class for further consideration, 
we will now deal with the others. On the Missouri we have 



140 MADOC. 

the Padoucas ; and on the eastern side of the Mississippi we 
have the Doegs, and the people who descended to Illinois, 
who most probably belonged to the great Chippeway nation. 

1. The Padoucas are now extinct, and their name only 
survives in Paducas Fork ; but, though they were confidently 
affirmed to be Welsh Indians, and though Mr. Binon said 
they spoke Welsh to him with remarkable purity, it is quite 
manifest that the assertion was untrue. John Evans ascended 
the Missouri in the belief that they were Kymry, but dis- 
covered that no race on that river spoke Welsh, and concluded 
that the Welsh Indians did not exist. The Rev. Morgan 
Rees met a gentleman who knew the Padouca language, and 
found that the Padouca had no resemblance to Kyrnraeg. 
Mr. J. T. Roberts met persons who knew Padouca, but they 
did not understand one word of Welsh. This is, therefore, 
tolerably conclusive evidence, and we may safely dismiss them 
from our consideration. 

2.. The occupants of the region about Cape Hatteras and 
Pamlico Sound, improperly called Doegs by Jones, but better 
known as Yeopims and Nanticokes, spoke a dialect of the 
Algonquin language, as also did the Chippeways ; and both 
may therefore be classed under that head. 

A great deal of absurdity has been spoken and written 
respecting the languages of the North American aborigines. 
Governed by preconceptions as to the origin of the inhabi- 
tants, many persons have affirmed that the speech of the new 
continent sanctioned each of several discordant theories. 
William Penn, who was imbued with the belief that the lost 
ten tribes of Israel (whose descendants probably still occupy 
the shores of the Caspian Sea) had found their way to 
America, considered the language to have a striking resem- 
blance to the Hebrew ; a Jew named Montesini said he had 
heard an American Indian repeat in Hebrew the words in 
Deuteronomy : ' SCHELAH ISRAEL ADONAI ELOHENU ADONAI 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 141 

EHAD,' ' Hear, Israel, the Lord our God is one Lord ' ; and 
one Rabbi Manasseh wrote a book entitled the ' Hope of 
Israel ' in favour of this assumption. 1 

The learned Grotius, who favoured the theory of a Scan- 
dinavian settlement, said there was a striking affinity between 
the languages of the Germans and the North Americans. 2 
Bishop Nicholson thought the Welsh formed the basis of all 
the Indian dialects ; and others quite as confidently assert 
that the aborigines spoke the (Irish) Erse or Gaelic language. 
Several persons said the Pawnees spoke Welsh, but some 
Scotch Highlanders said they understood them, ergo, that 
they spoke Gaelic ; and a gentleman from Quebec confirmed 
the statement. Nor was the Gaelic confined to the Pawnees ; 3 
for it is also said to have been spoken by the Mexicans ; and 
a Captain Drummond gravely affirmed that he heard a 
Mexican woman singing Erse to her child. 4 Are not these 
assertions quite as strong as anything urged in favour of the 
Welsh Indians ? If we believe one class of assertions, why 
may we not believe all ? Comment upon such statements 

1 Basnage, Appendix to the English translation of Jahn's Hebrew 
Commonwealth, vol. ii. p. 309. 

At the Spanish Missions, as well at the Convent of Caripi as at the 
Orinoco, in Peru as well as in Mexico, the opinion was generally enter- 
tained that the American languages have an affinity with the Hebrew ; 
in the North of America, among the Choctaws and the Chickasaws, 
travellers, somewhat credulous, have heard the strains of the Hallelujah 
of the Hebrews (L'Escarbot, Charlevoix, and even Adair, History of 
the American Indians, 1775, Humboldt's Travels, vol. i. p. 324, Bonn's 
edit.). 

' The American languages show the infancy of language ; the 
mechanism is all exposed to view. They are in marked contrast to all 
inflected languages.' Humboldt, op. cit. vol. i. p. 327, Bohn's edit. 

2 De Orig. Gent. Americ., cited by Basnage ; Op. cit. vol ii. p. 313. 

3 [' De savants linguistes ont constate une ressemblance singuliere 
entre la langue irlandaise et le dialecte algonquin." M. Gaffarel, Les 
Expeditions Maritimes des Irlandais au Moyen-dge, quoted in Revue 
Celtique, vol. ii. p. 433.] 

4 Williams, Farther Observations, pp. 19, 30. 



142 MADOC. 

would be superfluous. Let me, therefore, offer the reader 
something more scientific. 

The languages of the North American Indians have been 
carefully studied, and have been found to resolve themselves 
into eight distinct forms of speech, all of which converge 
towards a common centre in the north-western part of the 
continent, where it is separated from Asia by Behring's 
Strait. 1 These are : 

(1) The Algonquin language ; (2) the Iroquois ; (3) the 
Sioux ; (4) the Catawba ; (5) the Cherokee ; (6) the Uchel ; 
(7) the Natchez ; and (8) the Mobilian language. 

The latest researches, indeed, reduce these to three, namely, 
Algonquin, Iroquois, and Floridian ; or, according to Latham, 
into two, the Algonquin and the Floridian, the latter including 
the Sioux, Iroquois, and the five others. 2 

These have all certain characteristics, which are thought 
to distinguish them from all other languages, and to constitute 
a distinct family. With one exception, they all exclude the 
letter I the Algonquins have no /, and the Iroquois no m. 
All, without exception, had no alphabet, and could not write. 
They are mostly destitute of pronouns, they have no abstract 
terms, and cannot express father, son, master, tree, house, 
without compounding them with relative terms. The doxology 
could not be translated literally, and had to be rendered thus: 
' Glory be to our Father, and his Son, and their Holy Ghost ' ; 
the verb to be cannot be used abstractly, but is made to 
include space and time ; an Algonquin cannot use any verb 
in a simple form, nor say I love, or I hate, without saying 
also in one word whom he loves or hates ; nouns, adjectives, 
and pronouns are all joined together, and cannot be used 
separately ; they have no simple adjectives, nor have they 

1 Prichard, Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, p. 6 ; Latham's 
Supplement, edit. 1857, p. 22. 
3 Ibid. p. 24. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 143 

distinctive genders for male and female, but only for animate 
and inanimate objects, and the compound words are simply 
aggregations patchwork, in which the component parts 
remain distinct and heterogeneous. A few words may serve 
as specimens. Thus the sentence, ' Give me your pretty little 
paw,' would be expressed in one word, namely, kuligatschis, 
which would be compounded of fc, thou or thy ; idi, part of 
wulit, handsome or pretty ; gat , a part of wichgat, a leg or 
paw ; and schis, a word expressive of littleness ; and a gesture 
would supply the place of the verb. The conjugation of the 
verb, however, shows a much higher development ; and the 
multitude of ideas which it is often made to express has 
often excited much surprise and admiration. But here, also, 
the synthetic character predominates ; and the phrase, ' / do 
not like to eat -with him,' would be expressed in Algonquin in 
the one word N'schingiwipoma. The conjugation of the verb 
presents some points of analogy with other languages ; but in 
their general features the American languages, judging from 
the Algonquin, the best known of them, have a distinct and 
peculiar character. 1 

With respect to their philological affinities, authorities 
differ. Du Ponceau, who made this polysynthetic class the 
subject of careful study, thought they were quite independent 
of, and had no affinity with, any others ; and Bancroft 
believes them to have no other affinities than such as arise 
from the similarity of the organs of speech ; 2 but Mr. Johnes 
thinks differently, and affirms that, both in their vocabulary 
and their grammar, they are related to the primitive language 
of mankind ; 3 and I am inclined to think that he has made 
out a tolerably strong case in favour of that assumption. He 

1 Bancroft, Hist. United States, chap. xxii. 

2 Du Ponceau, Systeme Gram, des Langues Indiennes, &c. ; Ban- 
croft, loc. cit. 

3 Johnes. Philological Proofs of the Unity and Recent Origin of 
the Human Bace, chap. vii. 



144 MADOC. 

thinks, however, that the resemblances are generic rather 
than specific, and that they afford no presumption whatever 
in favour of any recent connection with the Kymric language. 1 
These languages, therefore, the languages of a people who 
cannot sound r and TO, who have no /, and, with one exception, 
have no / ; who cannot sound either Madoc or Llewelyn ; 
languages which have no separable pronouns, nor abstract 
nouns, and whose words are aggregations, not regular com- 
pounds, can have no specific affinity to the language of the 
Kymry. And, therefore, the question of the Welsh Indians, 
considered as it formerly stood, and in reference to the 
numerous statements made respecting them, admits only of a 
negative reply. We can have no hesitation whatever in com- 
ing to the conclusion that none of the several tribes mentioned 
spoke anything at all resembling Kymraeg ; and that, in a 
word, no such people as Welsh Indians do now or ever did exist. 
The inflexibility of the Indian character is also opposed 
to the idea of a European origin. The Indian, accustomed 
to live by the chase, and free from all social or legal restraint, 
spurns the idea of labour, as being both an evil and a disgrace. 
His pride and his indolence alike dispose him to offer an in- 
vincible resistance to every advance of civilisation. He retains 
his opinions, and the most insignificant of his habits, with a 
degree of tenacity which has no parallel in history. For two 
hundred years the wandering tribes of North America have 
had daily intercourse with the whites, and they have never 
derived from them either a custom or an idea. ' The Indian,' 
says De Tocqueville, 2 from whom I have taken these state- 
ments, ' will never conform to civilisation ' ; if so, will it be 
patriotism to affirm his descent from the family of Owen 
Gwynedd? Mackenney and Hall, who spent many years 
among them, paint the picture in still darker colours : ' All 

1 Johnes, op. cit. p. 165. 

3 Democracy in America, vol. ii. pp 282, 296. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 145 

the Indian tribes, under every variety of climate, were alike 
stationary and improvident. Ages passed by and made no 
impression on them; the experience of the past and the 
aspirations of the future were alike unheeded ; and they lived 
only in and for the present. Their history is utterly lost in 
the darkness which precedes authentic records among other 
nations : it rests, and probably ever will rest, upon the Indians, 
for no Indian tradition is of any value whatever that extends 
back further than fifty years.' l If these pictures are truthful 
and that they are admits of no doubt will any of my country- 
men be bold enough to acknowledge an affinity, and to pro- 
claim the Indians to be worthy descendants of the Ancient 
Britons ? 

In deference to the prejudices of many of my countrymen, 
I have gone thus patiently through a large mass of details, 
and have refuted the belief in Welsh Indians with all becom- 
ing gravity ; but in sober seriousness, and in justice to the 
higher intelligence of Wales, I ought to remark that the 
stories told of these people have long been known to be false, 
and felt to be foolish. John Evans, in searching for them, 
became convinced of their non-existence. The Eev. Walter 
Davies distinctly states that not only the narrative of Morgan 
Jones, but ' several others of a later date, turned out to be 
complete fictions.' 2 Mr. J. T. Roberts, as we have seen, spoke 
to the same effect. The Rev. Thomas Price still more strongly 
says that these were ' empty and thoughtless assertions 
naked and designed falsehoods ' ; 3 and the Rev. Robert 

1 Condensed from their History of the Indian Tribes, a sumptuous 
work, in 3 vols. folio, published under the auspices of the United States 
Government, vol. iii. pp. 12, et seq. 

* Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, vol. i. p. 440 (1829). 

3 Hanes Cymru, p. 591. ' Am y cyf-brofion diweddar, am gaff had 
llwyth y Madawgwys yn America, y mae cymrnaint o haeriadau gwag, 
ac amhwyllog wedi eu gwneud a'u hail-adrodd, a chymmaint o 
geltvyddau noeth a bwriadol, wedi eu ychwanegu attynt, a bod gofyn 

L 



146 MADOC. 

Williams is equally candid. ' Many accounts,' he says, { have 
been published within the last seventy years of the supposed 
discovery of tribes of Indians bearing Welsh names, and even 
speaking in purity the Welsh language. Such statements, 
however, are not entitled to a moment's consideration.' l But, 
having a lingering faith in the reality of the Madogwys, and 
apparently unconscious of the fact that John Evans had visited 
the Mandans, he continues : ' Yet the probability is in favour 
of Madog's claim, which has lately been confirmed by Mr. 
Catlin, the American traveller, who is convinced that he 
found the descendants of the Welsh immigrants in the Man- 
dans, an amiable and civilised tribe, with which he resided 
for a considerable length of time, and became intimately 
acquainted ; and he has described in detail their manners, 
customs, ceremonies, and peculiarities/ 2 

Mr. Catlin is the only stay of the Madogwys that now 
remains, and it should be admitted that he is the most respect- 
able witness that has yet appeared on their behalf. His book 
is replete with interest, and his account of the Mandans the 
most pleasing part of the work. He is therefore entitled to 
a candid hearing. It appears to have struck him at once that 
the Mandans were radically different from other Indians, and 
that they were either a different people, or a mixture of a 
civilised with a native race. They appear, from mounds and 
traces of encampments, to have ascended the Missouri from 
the eastern sea-board, and to have been settled on the Ohio. 
They had a kind of pottery and blue glass peculiar to them- 
selves, had coracles like the Welsh, and spoke a language 
which he considered had a resemblance to Kymraeg. Madoc 
is said to have landed at Florida, and to have probably 
ascended the Mississippi ; and in Mr. Catlin's opinion the 

ar y neb a gymmero y testun hwn mewn Haw fod yn wyliadwrus iawn 
rhag cael ei gam-arwain.' 

1 Eminent Welshmen, art. ' Madog." * Ibid. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS ? 147 

Mandans were the descendants of these Cambrian settlers ; for 
Mandan, he thought, had an appearance of being a derivative 
of Madawgwys, and mandon, he says, is a Welsh word for a 
red colour, a kind of madder, of which these Indians are very 
fond. 1 These are all arguments that assume the point to be 
proved, and it is evident that Mr. Catlin shines more as a 
pictorial than as a critical writer. With the exception of the 
remarks about the language, the whole hangs upon the sup- 
position that Madoc landed at Florida ; and that supposition 
rests only on the conjecture of Humphrey Llwyd, that, by order 
of cosmography, Madoc must have landed at Florida or New- 
foundland that is, at nearly the same point as Columbus. 
But this falls to the ground of itself, if Dr. Powel's idea be 
adopted that he landed in Mexico. It may be admitted that 
the Mandans ascended the Missouri, and were the remains of 
a civilised race ; but it may also be urged that Madoc's colony 
were neither the only nor the most probable settlers from 
whom they could have sprung. The native races to the south 
for instance, the Aztecs might have sent forth this colony, 
which from other indications seems to have come from a more 
southern country. Or, if the indications of a European origin 
were clear, as they certainly are not, might not a Spaniard say 
that they were the descendants of the colony which Columbus 
left at San Domingo, and which had disappeared when he 
came a second time ? This we know to be a fact ; but there 
are, as we have seen, good Cambrian critics who think the 
Madoc narrative has no foundation in reality. 

Let us see, in the next place, whether the test of language 
will furnish any proof of a more conclusive character. The 
derivation of Mandans from Madawgwys may be dismissed at 
once ; that is out of the question ; the Kymry have no word 
for ' madder,' and the Welsh word mandon means, not madder, 

1 Catlin's NortJi American Indians, vol. L p. 206, and vol. ii. pp. 
259-261. 

L2 



148 



MADOC. 



but dandriff! If there be one characteristic more than 
another which a Welsh colony would preserve, it would be 
their name ; but these people, so far from calling themselves 
Kymry, said their name in their own language was See-pohs- 
Jca-nu-ma-ka-kee, or ' the people of the pheasants,' a designa- 
tion that cannot possibly have been applicable to Wales in the 
twelfth century, but might with propriety have been applied 
to Mexico. 

Mr. Catlin found a striking similarity between certain 
Mandan pronouns and the corresponding words in Welsh, 
and his table is here subjoined : 

Mandan. 
Me 
Ne 
E 
Ea 
Ount 
Noo 

Eona 



Megosh 



Pan 
Mahopeneta. 



But it must be evident, to anyone who examines these 
columns with a critical eye, that the writer had only a very 
imperfect acquaintance with the Welsh language or even the 
Welsh pronouns, and that several of his parallels must be 
rejected. Thus, the Kymric language has no neuter per- 
sonal pronoun ; hwynt, given as the equivalent of it, is really 



English. 


Welsh. 


I 


Mi 


You 


Chwi 


He 


A 


She 


E 


It 


Hwynt 


We 


Ni 


They 


(Hwna) 
(Hona) 


Those ones 


Y rhai hyna 


No, or, There is not 


Nagoes 


No 


(Nage) 
Nag 
(Na j 


Head 


Pen 


The Great Spirit 


Mawrpenaethir 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 149 

the third person plural, they ; and hwna (masculine), hona 
(feminine), are really two forms, not of they, but of the de- 
monstrative pronoun that. The compound Mawr-penaethir 
is formed in opposition to the genius of the Welsh language, 
in which the adjective follows the noun ; and, if allowed, the 
initial p would undergo the regular mutation into b ; for the 
Welsh would be either Penaeth Mawr or Mawrbenaeth. 

These Mandan pronouns have already attracted the atten- 
tion of an able philologist, namely, our countryman, Mr. Arthur 
James Johnes. He added a column of ' other Asiatic and 
European analogies ; ' and arrived at a conclusion somewhat 
different from that of Mr. Catlin, which, as it has a direct 
bearing on this inquiry, may be here transcribed. ' By some 
of our countrymen,' he says, ' it has been sanguinely main- 
tained that the descendants of a body of Welsh, who left 
their country under Prince Madoc in the twelfth century, 
may be still traced by affinities of language among the North 
American Indian tribes. Struck by the resemblance he has 
detected, Mr. Catlin has been led to favour the same con- 
clusion, and to suggest that the Mandans may probably be 
shown to be the descendants of the lost Cambrian colony ! 
But the examples selected by this writer, however creditable 
to his accuracy and research, do not tend, as he suggests, 
to prove the existence of a specific connection between the 
Welsh and the Mandans ! This will be evident from the 
words contained in the right-hand column, which have been 
added by the author of this work. An examination of the 
whole comparison will serve to show clearly that though, in 
most of the instances he has noticed, the resemblance dis- 
played by the Mandan to the Welsh is a close one, in 
many of them it displays an equally close affinity to the 
Latin and Greek; while, in some, this North American 
Indian dialect totally differs from the Welsh tongue, and at 
the same time agrees with other languages of the Old World. 



150 MADOC. 

Many of those examples which precede the comparison are 
also illustrations of the principle that the Mandan, like 
other North American Indian dialects, exhibits a general 
resemblance to all, and not a specific relation to any one of 
the Asiatic and European tongues.' ' 

We have thus the assurance of a competent linguist that 
Mr. Catlin's ' proofs ' do not establish a specific connection 
between the Mandans and the Kymry. 

The other resemblances are equally illusory ; the vocabu- 
lary of this tribe presents no analogy to Kymraeg ; and the 
Mandan canoe, as figured by Catlin (vol. ii. p. 138, pi. 240), 
has no resemblance to the Welsh coracle. Finally, John 
Evans, a Welshman fully competent to decide this point, 
spent a winter among the Mandans, but found no reason to 
believe that either they or any other Indian tribe were of 
Kymric origin. Messrs. Lewis and Clarke had similar op- 
portunities for judging of their affinities ; but they never 
suspected them to be Welsh Indians ; and our own examina- 
tion has now proved, beyond any possibility of a doubt, that 
Mr. Catlin was mistaken. 

I have already intimated that the archaeological remains 
are evidences of a more authentic and important character ; 
and we have now to consider their bearings upon this inquiry. 
The Kymry have never been famous for their castrametation 
or their pottery; and it remains to be seen whether these 
remains can be more satisfactorily accounted for in any other 
way. 

Much has been said of White Indians ; the Moravian 
missionaries had heard of such persons ; the Rev. Morgan 
Rees considered that the various concurrent evidences respect- 
ing them were worthy of credence, and it may be assumed that 
there was a tribe of Indians to whom this designation was 
not altogether inappropriate. The accounts generally point 
1 Johnes, Philological Proofs &c. p. 165. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 151 

towards the Mandans ; and the statement of Mr. Catlin, that 
one in ten of the Mandans, especially of the female sex, had 
clieveux gris, grey, and in some instances perfectly white hair, 
as also light complexions, 1 places this beyond a doubt ; but 
this affords no support to the Madoc narrative ; for whether 
we regard this, with Mr. Catlin, as an ethnographic peculiarity, 
or attribute it, with Mr. Johnes, to their settled habits, or, 
what is still more probable, if we consider them to be ' albinoes ' 
and exceptional instances, the result to us is the same, since 
the Mandans could not have had any specific affinity to the 
Kymric race. 

The archaeological remains lead to the same conclusion. 
The pottery found on the Ohio, the remains of ancient 
buildings, and the skulls found in the old sepulchral mounds 
and burial places, afford no trace whatever of European affini- 
ties or of high civilisation ; 2 but they may be assumed to have 
belonged to the ancestors of the Mandans, and they point 
unmistakably to a connection with the ancient inhabitants 
of Mexico and Peru. The skulls have been by competent 
authority pronounced to be Mongolian, 3 and not Caucasian, 
as they should have been (according to Blumenbach's classifi- 
cation) to suit our Kymric story ; and they have been found 
to resemble very closely the Mexican and Peruvian skulls 
preserved in ancient mounds further south. 4 Even Mr. Catlin 
found the Mexican features to prevail among the Missourian 
Indians, as also in Mandan paintings ; 5 and Pickering un- 
equivocally refers all the North American Indians to the 
Mongolian type. 6 The pottery also closely resembles that of 
the old inhabitants of Mexico ; and the ruined buildings, 

1 NortJi American Indians, vol. i. p. 94. 

3 Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. ii. p. 920. 

* Pickering On the Races of Man, p. 37. 

* Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. ii. p. 920. 

5 Catlin, op. cit. vol. i. p. 193. 

6 Pickering, ubi sup. 



152 MADOC. 

remarkable alike for their large proportions, purity of taste, 
and refined ornamentation, can only be referred to those par- 
tially civilised races who reared the stupendous temples of 
Central America. 1 Even the traditions of existing tribes 
point in the same direction. The Choctaws on the Missis- 
sippi referred their origin to the west of the Rocky Mountains, 
from whence the Mexicans deduce their origin, and where the 
Flathead Indians still retain the abandoned Choctaw custom 
of depressing the skull ; 2 the Natchez Indians expressly claim 
for themselves a Mexican origin ; 3 of a civilised tribe located 
north-west of the Missouri and St. Pierre (probably the 
Mandans) Captain Carver said they were supposed to be some 
of the different tribes that were tributary to the Mexican 
kings, and who fled from their native country, to seek an 
asylum in these parts, about the time of the conquest of 
Mexico by the Spaniards ; 4 and the Chichemecs, on the Mis- 
sissippi, retained in their new settlement the name of a tribe 
well known in the history of Mexico. 5 It is not improbable, 
also, that the Toltecs, flying before the Chichemecs, might have 
executed a movement resembling that of the Crimean Kim- 
meroi flying before the Scythians ; and that when they left 
Mexico, in 1050, they turned their faces northward and 
eastward, while the Chichemecs descended on the western 
side of the Rocky Mountains : for the peculiar letter ' I ' 
was preserved among the Mandans and the Iroquois, and 
the law of succession among the Iroquois and Ojibbe- 
ways shows them to have been akin to the Toltecs and 
Aztecs. 6 

1 Humboldt's Travels (Bohn's edit.), vol. ii. p. 309. 
3 Catlin, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 112. 
3 Bancroft, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 876. 
* Cited by Dr. Williams, Farther Observations, p. 36. 
5 Bancroft, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 921. 

"Wilson, New History of the Conquest of Mexico, London, 1859, 
pp. 62-68. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS ? 153 

Following these indications, we now turn our backs on the 
North Americans, and proceed to the Mexican frontier. This 
is marked by Mr. Catlin as ' hostile ground,' and the climate 
is fatal to Europeans ; but, as we travel only in imagination, 
we need be under no apprehension of Indian assaults or bilious 
fever. This is the direction indicated by Captain Stewart ; 
his light-complexioned and red-haired Indians probably were 
the Pueblos, or civilised Indians of the province of New 
Mexico, which are said by Humboldt to number twenty-four 
tribes ; they live in towns or villages. Seven hundred miles 
up the Red River would have brought him to its upper course, 
where it is called Rio de Pecos, probably his river Post, where 
the Pueblos may be found. Again, on the west side of the 
Rocky Mountains are the Moqui Indians, who may stand as 
the representatives of the Mactotantes, in whose name Mr. 
Edward Williams thought he detected that of Madoc. They 
may be considered together. 

The population of Mexico or New Spain is thus classified 
by Humboldt : 

(1) Gachupines, or persons born in Europe ; (2) Creoles, 
or Whites born in America ; (3) Mestizoes, descendants of 
Whites and Indians ; (4) Mulattoes, descendants of Whites 
and Negroes ; (5) Zamboes, descendants of Negroes and 
Indians ; (6) Indians of the indigenous race ; and (7) African 
Negroes. 

The Indians form two-fifths of the whole ; they have the 
same leading character as the North American tribes ; and, 
like them, have many different languages. Of these, said to 
be twenty in number, fourteen have been studied, and have 
grammars and dictionaries ; but that which is most widely 
distributed is the Aztec or Mexican. 

Some of these Mexican tribes have made considerable 
advances in civilisation ; and those located in New Mexico, as 
well as those who dwell between the rivers Gila and Colorado, 



154 MADOC. 

to the south-west of the Great Salt Lake, and to the east of 
California, invite especial notice. The district occupied by the 
latter was formerly called the Province of Moqui ; but the 
Moquis are now (I860) only a subdivision of the Apaches, 
located north of the Colorado and south of the San Juan. 
They live in towns, and have asserted their independence of 
the Spaniards since 1680. Some Spanish priests visited 
them in the year 1773, and found there ruins of extraordinary 
extent, and corresponding in character to the architecture of 
the Aztecs or old Mexicans. They wore clothes, and lived in 
villages, where they cultivated the soil. On the Rio Yoquesila, 
lat. 36, Father Garces said he found an Indian town with 
two great squares, houses of several stories, and streets well 
laid out in parallel directions. Every evening the people 
assembled on the terraces which formed the roofs ; and these 
edifices in construction resembled the Aztec remains on the 
Rio Gila. 1 They cultivate cotton, maize, gourds ; and the former 
article is used in the manufacture of blankets among the 
Moquis and Navajoes. These are said to be excellent in 
quality, are dyed in brilliant colours, and so close in texture 
as to be impervious to rain. It was of a Navajo blanket that 
an old negro woman at Fort Leavenworth declared, ' That is 
a Welsh blanket, I know it by the woof ; 2 but in the Indian 
blanket the warp was of cotton, which is not usual in real 
Welsh flannel ; and the resemblance extends no further than 
this woof. The Moqui are said to have five pueblos or towns ; 
and this tribe, says Ruxton, is known to the trappers and 
hunters of the mountains as Welsh Indians. They are said 
to be much fairer in complexion than other tribes ; and, like 
the Navajoes, to have among them several Albinoes, perfectly 
white, with Indian features, and with light eyes and hair. 
All this, however, is only hearsay evidence, as Ruxton did not 

1 Humboldt, cited in Bell's Geography, vol. v. p. 603. 
1 Ruxton, Adventures in Mexico, p. 195. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 155 

visit the Moqui district. A surer criterion would be that of 
their language, if it were sufficiently known ; but at present 
the ' doctors ' differ respecting it. Humboldt pronounces the 
language spoken by the Moqui, and other Indians on the Eio 
Colorado, to be essentially different from the Mexican ; but 
Ruxton says that all the Indians of Northern Mexico, including 
the Pueblos, belong to the Apache family, understand each 
other's tongue, and speak dialects of the same language, 
all analogous in structure, and more or less approximating 
to the Apache, which, it was his impression, would be found 
to assimilate greatly to, if not to be identical with, the 
Mexican. 1 

Notwithstanding the vagueness of the information given 
respecting the Moquis, they form the last stay of the Welsh 
Indian tradition. The trapper friends of Ruxton pointed to 
them ; Mr. J. T. Roberts, in California, heard statements to 
the same effect ; and it seems to have been an accepted belief 
among the Mormon settlers that the Moquis were the descen- 
dants of Madoc and his reputed colonists. 

Brigham Young told Captain Jones, one of the most 
astute of his lieutenants, on the authority of a nameless c man 
of good character,' that there was a Welsh settlement on the 
Rio Colorado ; and a trader named Barney Ward told Jones 
that the Moqui spoke Kymraeg ; but Ward himself was not 
a Welshman, and his informant was a man who knew ' a few 
words only ' of the Welsh language. The captain himself 
had heard much of Madoc and his colonists ; had read in a 
Wesleyan publication at St. Louis that there were Welsh 
Indians on the Iroquois river in the state of Illinois ; and had 
heard of traces of supposed Kymric settlers in the mounds of 
the Ohio, where monuments had been found showing that the 
dresses worn were of a Roman form, and exhibiting a mermaid 
playing upon the harp ! He had heard, besides, of their 
1 Euxton, op. cit. p. 194. 



156 MADOC. 

having ascended the river of Taunton in Massachusetts 4 in 
ten floating houses,' and having settled themselves after 
defeating the natives ; and he felt convinced there was some 
truth in this tradition. Where there was so much smoke, he 
said, there must be some fire. He commenced a journey in 
1851 to the Colorado, with the view of exploring that river, 
and of visiting the Moquis ; but he returned without having 
accomplished the last object, and without making any 
addition to our knowledge of the Welsh Indians. l An abortive 
attempt was made in America, in 1858, to collect subscriptions 
for a mission to the Welsh Indians, but it was very properly 
distrusted ; 2 and until Captain Jones visits the Moquis and 
discovers them to be Kymry, we need not trouble ourselves 
with Mormon tales. 

The most civilised, however, of the Indian aborigines of 
New Spain are those who are located on the Eio del Norte, 
in the province of New Mexico, and who, from their living 
in towns, are called Pueblos. They attracted attention as 
early as 1583, when Antonio de Epejo gave a graphic account 
of them. This was copied by Hakluyt, 3 and has been re- 
peatedly used to show that they were Welsh Indians. 4 
They were recently visited by Lieutenant Kuxton, and his 
account confirms that of Epejo. They cultivate the soil 
more assiduously than even the New Mexicans themselves, 
dress leather of various kinds, breed cattle and fowls, rear 
corn, grapes, fruit, and roses, make fine mantles of cotton 
dyed blue and white, and have curious kinds of feather work. 

1 Udgorn Seion (a Welsh Mormonite publication), vol. iii. pp. 220, 
257. [' Captain ' Dan Jonea was very well known in South Wales 
a generation ago, and was a brother of the redoubtable ' Jones, 
Liang ollen.'] 

9 Y Bardd, a Welsh American periodical (Minersville, Pa. 1858). 

3 Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. iii. p. 311. 

* Dr. Williams, Farther Observations, p. 37 ; J. S. Jones, Scren 
Gomer, 1818, p. 297. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 157 

They inhabit houses built of stone and lime, several stories 
high, and in the flat-roofed architectural style of their Mexican 
progenitors ; and they retain in secret many of the religious 
rites of the Aztecs, though they are nominally Christian. 1 I 
do not find any notice of books or pictorial skins among them ; 
but such pictorial skins existed among the North American 
Indians ; 2 and the Aztecs, though neither they nor any of 
the American tribes had any alphabet, were famous for their 
hieroglyphics. 3 It is, therefore, quite credible that some 
Pueblos may have shown some hieroglyphic document to 
Captain Stewart ; for such remains have been found even in 
recent times ; but the art of deciphering them is lost both to 
the natives and Europeans. 

Nothing definite can hence be deduced in proof of the 
existence of ' Welsh Indians ' ; but these civil arts of the 
Moquis and the Pueblos show them to have been akin to, if 
not descended from, the former occupants of the country ; 
and the same presumption arises with respect to their lan- 
guage. Hence, in pursuing this inquiry, the next question 
that presents itself is, Who were the Aztecs or Mexican 
aborigines ? 

This naturally leads us to consider the suggestion of Dr. 
Powel. If Madoc did not land at Florida, might he not 
have landed in Mexico ? If it be hopeless to think of finding 
Welsh Indians on the Missouri, are there not proofs that the 
British language was spoken in the territories of Montezuma ? 
Let us see. Powel, Herbert, and Howell give a list of 
Mexican words supposed to be of British origin, of which 
the most striking were Corroeso, the name of an island ; Cape 
Bryton ; and pevigivyn, the name of ' a bird with a white head.' 

1 Euxton, Adventures in Mexico, pp. 190-194. 
* Bancroft, vol. ii. p. 881 ; Catlin, vol. i. p. 148. 
3 Lardner's Cyclopcedia : The Western World, vol. i. p. 25 ; Ban- 
croft, loc. cit. 



158 MADOC. 

Let us examine these. The island is supposed to bear a 
kindly and poetical name, the equivalent of ' welcome ' ; but 
in the Spanish orthography Curagoa does not look or sound 
particularly like the Welsh word groesaw ; and it is known to 
be a South American name for the sun. 1 Cape Breton is a 
better example ; but, unfortunately for Powel's argument, the 
island of Cape Breton is thirty degrees too far east, and 
twenty degrees too far north, to be included in any part of 
Mexico ; and it received its name, not from the Madogwys, 
but in or about the year 1504, from a colony of Armorican 
Bretons. 2 Lastly, the word pengwyn proves equally deceptive ; 
for the bird so called has a black instead of a white head, as 
also all the birds of that genus ; and hence, as an eminent 
naturalist, our countryman Pennant, pointedly observes, ' we 
must resign every hope founded on this hypothesis, of re- 
trieving the Cambrian race in the new world.' 3 The other 
words mentioned by Herbert, Howell, and others, are equally 
illusory. I do not know to what localities craigiven, white 
rock, and gwenddwr [fair water] are intended to apply ; but 
these words, with tad, father, wy, egg, buwch, cow, fcora, bread, 
dwr, water, trwyn, a nose, pryd, time, and clugar, a heathcock 
or partridge, may be at once denied any claim to a Mexican 
character; for we are informed by Clavigero, himself a 
Mexican, and therefore a good authority, that the consonants 
b, d, /, g, r, s, have no place in the Mexican language. The 
vowel w is peculiar to the Kymric speech ; and the word 
llwynog, a fox, lies open to the additional objections that the 

1 Johnes, Philological Proofs, p. 18. 

2 Bancroft, History of United States, vol. i. p. 12. ' Within seven 
years of the discovery of the continent, the fisheries of Newfoundland 
were known to the hardy mariners of Brittany and Normandy. The 
island of Cape Breton acquired its name from their remembrance of 
home, and hi France it was usual to esteem them the discoverers of 
that country." 

3 Philosophical Transactions, cited by Robertson, voL i. p. 370. 



AEE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 



159 



Mexican word is coyotl ; that the letter I never begins a word 
in this or any of the American languages ; ! and that the 
Kymric and Iberian II only occurs in the words llanos and 
llama, introduced by the Spaniards. On the other hand, the 
old Mexicans had the letters ch, as sounded in chill, chair ; 
and q, x, and z, which are unknown to the Welsh language. 
It must therefore be quite apparent that the Aztec speech 
had no affinity to Kymraeg ; and a few words thereof, noted 
in reading Prescott's ' History,' will place this beyond any 

reasonable doubt. 

Kymraeg. 

Benyw 
Gwyn 
Benyw wen 



Woman 

White 

White-woman 

Serpent-woman 

[Child of the] Sun Haul 

Moon Lleuad 

A Hill Bryn 

Smoking-hill 

Flowers Blodau 

Field of Flowers 

Water Dwr 

Root Gwraidd 

Place Lie 

Place of bread 

Place of worship Addoldy 

Paper Papur 

Book Llyfr 



Aztec. 
Cihuatl 
Iztac 

Iztac-cihuatl 
Cioa-coatl 
Tonatiuh 
Meztli 
Popo 

Popo-catepetl 
Milco 

Xochimilco 
Huac 
Cimatl 
Calli, callan 
Tlaxcallan 
Teocalli 
Amotl 
Moxtli 



The grammar of this language suggests the same con- 
clusion, and, when considered in reference hereto, all the 
languages of New Spain, as well, indeed, as those of all 
America from its northern to its southern extremity, resolve 



1 Humboldt's Travels, vol. i. p. 322. 



160 MADOC. 

themselves into two classes, monosyllabic and polysynthetic. 
The first class, or the Othomite, spoken by the tribes located on 
the shores of the Pacific Ocean, has a remarkable affinity to 
the Chinese, and Pickering affirms the people to be Malays. 
All the other languages, widely different as they are in their 
vocabularies, have the same organisation namely, that 
peculiar synthetic structure which distinguishes every dia- 
lect throughout the whole continent from the land of the 
Esquimaux to Tierra del Fuego. This consists in a curious 
mechanism, which brings a great number of ideas within a 
small compass, and condenses whole sentences into a single 
word. A few examples were given in speaking of the North 
American dialects; and two words will suffice to illustrate 
the flexibility of the Mexican language. The sentence, 
' Venerable minister of God, that I love as my father ' is ex- 
pressed in the one word Notlazomahuczteopixcatatzin ; and 
the still more comprehensive word Amatlacuilolitquitcatlax- 
tlahuitli signifies ' the reward given to a messenger who 
bears a hieroglyphic map conveying intelligence.' l This, 
most certainly, is not the language of the Kymry. 

We are thus thrown back upon what the Rev. R. W. 
Morgan calls ' the family traditions of the Mexican kings.' 
Herbert's account of these is much exaggerated; and the 
most modest statement is that of Powel, who says that 
Montezuma confessed in his speech to the Mexicans, spoken 
in the presence of Cortes, that the Mexican rulers ' descended 
from a strange nation that came thither from a farre countrie.' 
This statement of itself would not prove much ; and, even if 
correct, would fall far short of justifying Mr. Morgan's bold 
statement that ' it clearly proved their descent from Madoc and 
his followers.' But, in the first place, let us see if this was 
what Montezuma really said, or is reported to have said by 
the Spanish chronicles. On such a point as -this Prescott, 

1 Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. iii. p. 324. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 161 

the historian of the ' Conquest of Mexico,' is, in the republic of 
letters, considered to be the highest authority ; and he reports 
the speech in these terms. Montezuma was at this time a 
kind of prisoner in the Spanish quarters ; and in compliance 
with the demand of Cortes, that he should recognise the 
supremacy of the Spanish Emperor, he called his nobles 
together and thus addressed them : 

1 They were all well acquainted, he said, with the ancient 
tradition, that the great Being, who had once ruled over the 
land, had declared, on his departure, that he should return at 
some future time, and resume his sway. That time had now 
arrived. The white men had come from the quarter where 
the sun rises beyond the ocean, to which the good deity had 
withdrawn. They were sent by their master to reclaim the 
obedience of his ancient subjects. For himself, he was ready 
to acknowledge his authority.' l 

This has not the remotest reference to the descent of the 
Mexicans. It is a tradition of an Aztec god who had once 
ruled in that country, and who, having left it, was expected 
to return, just as King Arthur, or King Cadwaladr, was in 
olden times expected to reappear in Wales. This differs 
essentially in its character from the representation of Powel 
and Herbert, and it affords no support whatever to the 
Cambrian tradition. But, as the subject is interesting, I 
will pursue it a little further. The name of this god 

1 Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. ii. p. 1C8 
(Bentley's edit. 1850). Robertson, History of America, vol. ii. p. 332. 
Another speech, differing from this both in argument and spirit, was 
published in the Public Advertiser, September 23, 1790, by an anonj"- 
mous ' Columbus,' in a letter to the Right Hon. "William Pitt ; but, 
whether seen by the writer in Mexico or not, it is a manifest forgery, 
and Dr. Williams (Farther Observations, p. 35) certainly mistook its 
purport when he thought it countenanced the Cambrian story ; for, in 
assigning the origin of the Mexicans to ' a northern country,' it could 
only have pointed, in accordance with all Mexican traditions, to the 
north-west of the Rocky Mountains. 

M 



1G2 MADOC. 

was Quetzalcoatl, and Prescott gives this account of 
him : 

'A far more interesting personage [than the Mexican 
Mars, Huitzilopochtli] in (Mexican) mythology was Quetzal- 
coatl, god of the air a divinity who, during his residence on 
earth, instructed the natives in the use of metals, in agriculture, 
and in the art of government. He was one of those benefactors 
of their species, doubtless, who have been deified by the 
gratitude of posterity. Under him the earth teemed with 
fruits and flowers, without the pains of culture. An ear of 
Indian corn was as much as a single man could carry. The 
cotton, as it grew, took, of its own accord, the rich dyes of 
human art. The air was filled with intoxicating perfumes 
and the sweet melody of birds. In short, these were the 
halcyon days which find a place in the mythic systems of so 
many nations in the Old World. It was the golden age of 
Anahuac. 

' From some cause, not explained, Quetzalcoatl incurred 
the wrath of one of the principal gods, and was compelled to 
abandon the country. On his way he stopped at the city of 
Cholula, where a temple was dedicated to his worship, the 
massy ruins of which still form one of the most interesting 
relics of antiquity in Mexico. When he reached the shores of 
the Mexican Gulf, he took leave of his followers, promising 
that he and his descendants would revisit them hereafter ; 
and then, entering his wizard skiff, made of serpents' skins, 
embarked on the great ocean for the fabled land of Tlapallan. 
He was said to have been tall in stature, with a white skin, 
long dark hair, and a flowing beard. The Mexicans looked 
confidently to, and kept a continual watch by a holy fire for, 
the return of this benevolent deity, throughout the wide 
borders of Anahuac ; a general feeling seems to have prevailed, 
in the time of Montezuma, that the period for the return of the 
deity and the full accomplishment of his promise was near at 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 163 

hand ; and this remarkable tradition, deeply cherished in their 
hearts, prepared the way for the future success of the Spaniards. 
Even after the conquest it still lingered among the Indian 
races, by whom it was fondly cherished, as the advent of their 
King Sebastian continued to be by the Portuguese, or that of 
the Messiah by the Jews.' 1 

This superstition respecting Quetzalcoatl and his expected 
return remains in the interior of Mexico to this day among 
the descendants of the Aztecs, who are now known as the 
Apache Indians. The Pueblos, who are a branch of the 
Apaches, retain the rites of their ancestors ; the sacred fire 
in honour of this deity is still kept burning in a solitary cave, 
and its dim light is often seen by the wandering hunter. 
Even when nominally Christian, the aged and devout of both 
sexes cling in secret to their ancestral rites ; they are often 
seen on the tops of their flat houses, with their earnest gaze 
turned to the rising sun ; for from that direction they expect, 
sooner or later, that the beneficent ' god of the air ' will make 
his appearance. 2 The only point of analogy is found in the 
statement that this divinity was a white man, wearing a long 
beard, and that he came from the East, to which he returned, 
and from which he is expected to appear again ; but it must 
be borne in mind that Mexican traditions have come down to 
us through the hands of Christian, and not very scrupulous, 
monks ; and, if we assume him to have been Madoc, we must 
contest the accumulated ' proofs ' of Father Veytia that he 
was my inquisitive namesake, the Apostle Thomas, and the 
still wilder assertion of Lord Kingsborough that he was a 
dim-veiled type of the Messiah ! 3 

1 History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. i. pp. 49, 264. The 
reference to the holy fire has been added to Prescott's narrative, on the 
authority of Euxton, Adventures in Mexico, p. 192. 

2 Ruxton, Adventures in Mexico, pp. 192-194. 

3 Prescott, vol. iii. p. 313, and the references there given. 



164 MADOC. 

Other religious analogies prove equally illusory. The 
Mexicans had rites resembling baptism and the communion ; 
but these also prevailed among pagan nations on whom the 
light of Christianity never shone. Baptism prevailed among 
the Jews as well as the ancient Greeks, and consecrated bread 
and wine were used among the Egyptians, Greeks, and 
Romans. 1 The Mexicans had a tradition of an Eve or primi- 
tive mother of mankind, named Cioacoatl, or serpent-woman. 
They had also a tradition of a Deluge, from which two persons 
only were saved, namely, Coxcox and his wife ; and the Peru- 
vians, 2 and the White Indians, 3 Mandans, 4 with the American 
tribes generally, had traditions of a ' great water,' a ' big 
canoe,' and a Noah named Nu-mohk-muck-a-nah ; but similar 
traditions prevailed among the Hindoos, Chaldeans, Greeks, 
and Romans, 5 apparently without their having any knowledge 
of the Hebrew records ; and hence, in accordance with the 
reasoning applied in Comparative Philology and Mythology, 
it becomes probable that they are all radiations from some 
common centre of still higher antiquity. When the Spaniards 
visited the island of Cozumal, they were amazed to see a cross 
of stone and lime, about ten palms high, 6 and wildly conjectured 
that it must have been of Christian origin ; but they were not 
aware that the cross was antecedent to Christianity, and that 
it was a symbol of worship of the highest antiquity in Egypt, 
Syria, and Italy. Several specimens of crosses have been 
found among Egyptian inscriptions, and have been interpreted 
to mean ' life to come,' and ' support or saviour ' ; 7 a cross 
was found in the ' House of Pansa,' among the ruins of Pom- 
peii, overwhelmed by a volcanic eruption before the Christian 

1 Prescott, vol. iii. p. 316. 

2 Humboldt, Travels, voL ii. pp. 182, 473. 

3 Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 380. 

4 Catlin, vol. i. pp. 177-178. 

5 Prescott, vol. iii. p. 316, and his authorities. 

Ibid. vol. L p. 228. Ibid. vol. iii. p. 316. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 165 

era, 1 and the Tau, or last letter of the Hebrew as well as 
several other Eastern alphabets, had a crucial form. This 
cross-like letter was inscribed on Jewish shekels, and was the 
mark spoken of in Ezekiel ix. 4, which was to save the chosen 
of Jerusalem. 2 This saving mark is even now often used in 
infant baptism ; and when illiterate men sign their names with 
a cross, they are unconsciously perpetuating a Jewish custom 
of high antiquity. These, with other remarkable coincidences, 
have given rise to many attempted explanations ; Lord Kings- 
borough concluded that the Mexicans had an extensive 
acquaintance with both the Old and New Testaments, and the 
Spanish monks at first leaned to the same view ; but they 
afterwards concluded that the relics in question were all the 
works of the Devil, and that the enemy of mankind had given 
in America a counterfeit presentment of the history of God's 
chosen people. 3 It must be manifest, however, that these, as 
well as the Madoc hypothesis, are wholly inapplicable, and we 
must seek further light in the traditions of the Mexicans 
themselves. 

The origin of the Mexicans has puzzled philosophers of 
all countries. The general outline of their architecture, and 
some of their rites, present analogies of an Egyptian character ; 
the statues and pottery of the Mexicans have points of resem- 
blance to those of the Etruscans ; their massive walls remind 
us of the Cyclopean remains found in Pelasgian settlements ; 
and in some other respects they resemble Mongolian struc- 
tures. 4 Some writers, looking at the first class of analogies, 
identify the Mexicans with the subjects of Rameses and 
Sesostris ; but others, with more reason, assign them a Mon- 

1 Woodward, History of Wales, p. 329. 

2 Notes and Queries, January 16, 1858 (2nd ser. vol. v. p. 52). 

3 Prescott, vol. iii. pp. 316, 317. This historian has discussed the 
whole subject with great learning and ability, and should be consulted 
for further information. 

* Wilson's New History of Mexico, chap. v. 



166 MADOC. 

golian origin, and in so doing are borue out by the whole 
current of American tradition, as well as by their craniological 
affinities. The Mexicans refer their origin to the northern 
and north-western parts of the American continent; they 
affirm themselves to have come from Aztlan, a region, whether 
fabulous or not, usually placed in the country now forming 
the newly-constituted state of British Columbia. Mexican 
history speaks of several distinct migrations from that quarter. 
The first of these was that of the Toltecs, a highly-civilised 
tribe, and the supposed builders of the ruined temples of 
Central America ; the second was that of a ruder tribe, the 
Chichemecs, whose name, as we have seen, survives on the 
Mississippi ; a third was that of the Acolhuans, and the last 
was that of the Aztecs or Mexicans. 

The Toltecs arrived in the Mexican valley A.D. 648 ; 
they abandoned the country in 1051. The Chichemecs 
arrived in 1170. The Acolhuans arrived about 1200. The 
Mexicans reached Tula, to the north of the valley, in 1196 ; 
were subject for a time to the Coluhans, and ultimately 
founded Mexico in 1325. 1 All these races belong to the 
Mongolian type, and are with reason said to be of Asiatic 
origin. The Toltecs date their migration in A.D. 544, and 
it is a remarkable fact that this date corresponds with 
that of the ruin of the Tsin dynasty in China. Indeed, it 
is said that a Chinese book has recently been discovered 
which gives an account of a voyage from China to Mexico as 
early as the fourth century. 2 This people occupied a country 
to the north-we.st of the Rio Gila, called Hueliuetlapallan, from 
which they were expelled, and 104 years later they arrived 
in the Mexican valley. About 644 the Chichemecs occupied 
the Toltec settlement beyond the Gila, and five centuries later 

1 Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. ii. pp. 8, 13 
(cabinet edit.). 

- Notes and Queries, January 7, 1860, 2nd ser. vol. ix. p. 13. 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 167 

they expelled the Toltecs from Mexico. Lastly, the Aztecs 
followed the same southward route. They left Aztlan, which 
is usually placed in N. lat. 57, between Nootka Sound and 
Cook's River, in 1160 ; and after a migration of fifty-six years, 
which is divided into three grand periods, reached the Mexican 
valley in 1216. The first migrated to the south of the Rio 
Nabajoa, in lat. 35 ; then to the south of the Gila, lat. 
33 30' ; then to the vicinity of Yanos, lat. 30 30' ; afterwards 
to Tula in 1196, and Zumpanco in 12 16 ; and, after the lapse of 
165 years from the first migration, founded the city of Mexico 
in 1325, where they were found by the Spaniards. 1 

Architectural remains attest the reality and mark the 
course of these migrations. To the south of the Gila, in the 
country of the Moqui, ruins are found extending over three 
square miles ; the whole surrounding plain is filled with frag- 
ments of Mexican stoneware, beautifully painted in red, white, 
and blue ; ruins of acequias or irrigating canals of great 
length and depth are here found ; and the Spanish monks, 
Garces and Font, who visited this region in 1773, said they 
found there, in the middle of an ancient Aztec city, an edifice 
of extraordinary magnitude, being 445 feet long by 276 feet 
broad, built with bricks, and having three stories and a terrace. 
It was divided into five apartments ; the walls were four feet 
thick ; and a wall interrupted with large towers surrounded 
it, with a view, apparently, to its defence. Five such ruined 
cities are said to have been found in the country of the 
Moqui ; and the architecture in each resembles that of the 
ancient Aztecs and the modern Pueblos. 2 

The country to the north of the Gila and the Colorado 
has not been fully explored ; but hunters are said to have seen 
similar remains in those districts ; and, in still higher regions, 
traces of a kindred race are still found. The Cora language, 

1 Humboldt, cited in Bell's Geography, vol. v. p. 575. 

2 Ibid. p. 602 ; Huston's Adventures in Mexico, p. 194. 



168 MADOC. 

spoken along the Californian Gulf, closely resembles the 
Mexican ; the tl so common among the Aztecs still prevails 
in the neighbourhood of Nootka Sound, and tribes still exist 
there, such as the Chinooks and Nisquallys, whose dialects 
resemble, in their terminations and general sound, the speech 
of the Aztec race. Their fringed dress, plaited hair, predilec- 
tion for hieroglyphics, and general style of carving, as dis- 
played in their clay pipes and rock sculptures, present other 
points of resemblance ; ' and these facts, taken in their totality, 
clearly indicate a Mongolian origin, not only for the Mexicans, 
but also for all the American tribes. The alphabet of Mexico 
wanted precisely the same letters as are now wanting in that 
of the Chinese, who have no b, d, g, r, v, or short a ; 2 the 
languages of Northern Asia resemble closely those of Northern 
America in their grammatical structure; philology and 
craniology alike attest the Mongolian origin of the American 
races ; 3 Ledyard saw but one race on each side of the North 
Pacific ; and it may safely be assumed that the New World 
was first colonised from the Asiatic side, principally through 
the Aleutian Islands, and partly, perhaps, across Behring's 
Strait. 4 

The latest account of the Indians of the Gila and Colorado 
is that of Julius Froebel, in hie ' Journeys in Central America/ 
and that fully sustains the views here put forth. He affirms, 

1 Preseott, vol. iii. p. 327 ; Pickering, Races of Men, p. 841. Captain 
Jones says that the Indian rock inscriptions or sculptures coincide in 
form and purport with the tablets of the Book of Mormon I (Udgorn 
Seion, vol. iii. p. 240). 

2 Saturday Review on the Researches of M. Stanislaus Julien, 
March 8, 1861. 

3 Bancroft, History of United States, vol. ii. p. 927 (Koutledge's 
edit.). 

4 Bunsen, Philosophy of the History of Mankind, vol. ii. p. 3; 
Latham, in his edition of Prichard's Eastern Origin of the Celtic 
Nations, pp. 7, 22 ; also in Orr's Circle of the Sciences, pp. 349 et seq., 
where the question is fully discussed and settled; 



ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 169 

quite decidedly, that the physiognomy of these people is 
Mongolian. He gives fac-similes of the Indian hieroglyphics, 
or rock inscriptions ; some of them resemble patterns of 
embroidery ; some are figures of birds, beetles, and other 
animals ; and when they have any appearance of being letters, 
the characters have a close resemblance to the Chinese. 1 

Unlike most of the persons who met with Welsh Indians, 
he had much difficulty in collecting words and names of 
objects in the native tongue, as the Indians generally spoke 
Spanish, and were very chary of using their own language in 
the presence of strangers ; but he attests the prevalence of 
Aztec words in most of the Indian dialects. Many of their 
names of objects, chiefs, and tribes, as mesquite, Moqui, Cocopa^ 
had a decidedly Aztec sound ; and the names of chiefs and 
other persons invariably have the agglutinate and bi-literal 
syllabic character, now so familiar to us in Mongolian or 
Chinese names. Finally, Froebel identifies their arts, 
manners, and customs with those of the Aztec race. 

Lastly, it may possibly be expected that I should notice 
an attempt made in the early part of the last century to prove 
a connection between the language of the Ancient Britons 
and that of the Indians of the Isthmus of Darien, who had 

1 Seven Years 1 Travel in Central America, London, 1859, pp. 502, 
519, et seq. Since this work was published a pretentious work on 
Indian hieroglyphics, by the Abbe Domenech, was issued under the 
auspices of the Emperor of the French ; but as the figures are supposed 
to be the work of some German boy, they need not occupy our atten- 
tion. 

' A portion of Von Tschudi's researches is devoted to the aboriginal 
inhabitants. He declares his most decided conviction that these belong 
to the Mongolian race, and addg that, but for the difference of 
costume, it would frequently be impossible to distinguish a Botocudo 
Indian from a Chinese, and vice versa. The opinion of so intelligent 
an observer, who has lived so much among both nations, is entitled to 
the greatest weight, and is amply confirmed by the portraits of Indians 
which illustrate this volume.' Saturday Review, February 16, 1867, 
pp. 216, 217; art. Von Tschudi on American Aborigines. 



170 MADOC. 

been for two centuries in contact with Spaniards. This idea 
was first started in Wafer's ' Description of the Isthmus of 
America' (1699), being possibly a faint echo of the unfortunate 
and premature attempt of Patterson to found a colony at 
Darien. He noted down twenty-four words, which he said 
resembled Gaelic in sound, though not in signification ; the 
Rev. David Malcolme, in an essay on the antiquities of Great 
Britain and Ireland, endeavoured to show that twenty-three 
of them were related to the Gaelic, Erse, Welsh, Cornish, or 
Armorican forms of speech ; and a Welshman, possibly Dr. 
Owen Pughe, has countenanced the same assertion. The 
latter selects thirteen words for comparison ; and to these he 
only suggests five analogous Welsh words, 1 viz. : 

Darien. Welsh. 

Cotchah, sleep Cwsg 

Doolah, water Dwvr 

Eenah, to call or name Enwi 

Pa, an interrogative Pa, which 

Tautah, father Tad 

Here the first two have no resemblance to Welsh ; and 
in the third and fourth the comparison is deceptive, as the 
Welsh words have specific meanings, whereas those of the 
Indian words are vague. Thus, enwi, to name, as ' Adam 
named the animals in Eden,' to give an instance familiar to 
and accepted by Welshmen, is an abstract term not likely to 
be found in any Indian language, while the Welsh word ' to 
call ' is galw. It is equally idle to compare pa with an inter- 
rogative. Tautah is simply an infantile ejaculation. The 
Erse analogies are equally unreliable. 

1 Cambro-Briton, vol. iii. p. 32. This, as well as the subject of 
Welsh Indians generally, has been ably discussed by Professor Elton 
and Mr. Thomas Jones of Chetham's Library, Manchester, in the 
earlier volumes of Notes and Queries, to which I refer any reader who 
may be still unsatisfied. 



WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARKATIVE WBTTTEN? 171 

We have thus examined, step by step, and one by one, 
all the evidences adduced in proof of the existence of the 
Madogwys. We have discovered some instances of gross and 
deliberate falsehood ; many indications of extraordinary cre- 
dulity, and not a few evidences of a remarkable proneness 
to self-deception. Every one of the pretended facts, when 
closely looked at, vanishes ' like the baseless fabric of a vision,' 
and the whole mass of ' proofs ' has crumbled away under the 
test of criticism, leaving no semblance of reality to the Indian 
tale. And when we look at the claims urged in favour of 
these tales, and by men of eminence in Cambrian literature, 
can we help being surprised at their inability to discriminate 
between fact and fiction, and at their utter want of critical 
capacity ? The Cambrian mind has here given ' a local habi- 
tation and a name ' to a mere figment of the mind ; and the 
fact suggests not a few humiliating reflections. 

I do not know what effect this examination has produced 
on the mind of the reader; but it has led me to conclude 
THAT THERE ARE NOT, AND THAT THERE NEVER WERE, ANY 
WELSH INDIANS. 

This denial, however, does not necessarily imply a rejec- 
tion of the Madoc narrative, in the simpler form in which 
it is given by Humphrey Llwyd. That will come under con- 
sideration in the next section. 

Section II. WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN 

BEFORE THE VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS ? 

It has been seen already that the Rev. Thomas Price 
(Ga/rnhua/nawc) suspended his belief in this Cambrian story 
until it should be definitely ascertained whether Guttyn 
Owen's account of the discovery of America was written 
before or after the voyage of Columbus ; but, as I believe this 
to be a false issue, and as it may turn out that Guttyn Owen 



172 MADOC. 

did not write any such narrative, I have placed the issue on 
a broader basis, and raised the question whether it was 
written by anyone before that voyage. We have thus widened 
the range of inquiry, and raised the issue in a form which 
does not restrict us to the consideration of the writings of 
that bard, but enables us to consider whether it may or may 
not have been written by some other person. 

Dr. John Williams said the first account of this discovery 
was found in the ' History of Wales,' written by Caradoc of 
Llancarvan, and translated by Humphrey Llwyd ; but he 
supposed the passage which he found in Powel's edition of 
Llwyd's work to have been written by Llwyd himself, and not 
by Caradoc. If the common supposition, which he rejected, 
had been correct, the statement would not have been open to 
question, and the Madoc discovery would have rested on the 
firm basis of contemporary history; but, as Dr. Williams 
acutely remarked, this statement could not be correct ; for 
Caradoc died in 1 156 ; and, accordingly, it becomes quite clear 
that he could not have written any account of a voyage in the 
year 1170. 

It should be observed, however, that there is and has been 
a loose practice of giving the name ' Chronicles of Caradoc ' to 
almost everything in the Welsh language that was cast in an 
historical form ; and this practice is justified to some extent 
by the probability, if not the known fact, that most of our 
old Welsh chronicles are based upon, and are continuations 
of, the original chronicle of Caradoc. There would, therefore, 
be no difficulty in assuming that the statement might have 
occurred in one of these continuations ; and the question 
naturally arises, Does this narrative occur in any document 
called a ' Chronicle of Caradoc ' ? 

There is a great deal of difficulty in determining what the 
original chronicle of Caradoc really was ; as the document 
published under that name contains several anachronisms, 



WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 173 

and mentions persons who lived A.D. 1203, 1293, 1316, 1328, 
and 1555, while its orthography is comparatively recent ; l 
and as there now remains no copy, nor any trace of any copy, 
that can on critical grounds be considered to have been that 
original. Judging, however, from the MSS. we now have, 
the true Chronicle of Caradoc must have been, assuming it 
to have been in the Welsh language, a translation from the 
Latin* chronicles called ' Annales Cambrias.' The best part of 
the Latin originals, and the whole of the translations, namely, 
' Brut y Tywysogion ' and ' Brut y Saeson,' are now in print, so 
that we know what they really contain ; but neither in any one 
of the three copies of ' Brut y Tywysogion,' for which Caradoc's 
original work may have served as the basis, and which con- 
tains independent additions, nor in c Brut y Saeson,' nor in 
the chronicle attributed to Caradoc, which the Eev. Thomas 

1 I have recently subjected this document to a careful examination 
in an article entitled ' The Book of Aberpergwm,' improperly called 
' The Chronicle of Caradoc ' (Arcliceologia Cambrensis, January 1858, 
3rd ser. vol. iv. p. 77). 

I am warranted, by the authority of the Eev. Thomas Price (Hanes 
Cymru, p. 427), in giving this document the designation of Llyfr Aber- 
pergurm. My views are opposed in the Cambrian Journal for April 
1858, though not, I think, successfully. 

[The following are the conclusions at which Mr. Stephens arrives in 
the article in question : 

' (1) That the Book of Aberpergwm is not the Chronicle of Caradoc, 
but ought always to be cited by the former name. 

' (2) That it is a respectable authority for the history of Glamorgan, 
but not for the general history of Wales. 

' (3) That it abounds in mistakes, conjectures, and unauthorised 
additions ; that it exhibits several anachronisms, and names persons 
who lived in the years 1203, 1293, 1317, and 1328 ; and that it was 
written in or about A.D. 1555. 

' (4) That it has many parallelisms with Brut leuan 'Brechfa, and 
that several of its special statements are evidently founded on that 
document. 

' (5) That both the Book of Aberpergwm and the so-called Book of 
Caradoc are written in an orthography comparatively recent, and are 
both documents of the sixteenth century.'] 



174 MADOC. 

Price calls ' Llyfr Aberpergwm,' nor yet in ' Brut lenan 
Brechfa,' is there any reference whatever to Madoc ab Owen 
Gwynedd himself, to his departure from Wales, or to his re- 
puted discovery of a new land in the Far West. If the 
narrative had a place in any of these records, the fact could 
not have failed to attract attention, and to have been deemed 
important, if not conclusive ; but as the ancient chronicles of 
Wales contain no such statement, the reputed discovery 'loses 
much of its authority. Still, this is not absolutely fatal to 
the Kymric claim, since there are a few remarkable instances 
of the absence of local records of important events where they 
might confidently have been expected. It is an undeniable 
fact that Columbus entered triumphantly into the town of 
Barcelona ; but there is no trace of the fact in the local records. 
Marco Polo must have seen the Great Wall of China ; but 
he has no notice thereof. And Amerigo Vespucci sailed on a 
voyage to America under the auspices and in the service of 
the Crown of Portugal ; but the archives of that kingdom are 
absolutely silent upon that point. 1 The argument ab silentio 
is not, therefore, quite conclusive ; but it must, nevertheless, 
be allowed considerable weight, especially when it is borne in 
mind that the Welsh records are particularly copious about 
that period ; that the event, had it occurred, would have formed 
a unique fact in the history of Wales ; that there is no posi- 
tive record elsewhere ; and that the claim to the discovery of 
America was first put forth sixty-seven years after the voyage 
of Columbus. History failing us, we may next attend to the 
voice of tradition. 

In historical trustworthiness, the ' Brut ' of leuan Brechfa 
conies after ' Brut y Tywysogion ' and ' Brut y Saeson,' and 
before the Book of Aberpergwm ; and, as will be recollected, 
leuan Brechfa is one of the authorities cited on the affirmative 

1 Humbolclt, History of tJie Geography of the Neiv World, part iv. 
pp. 1GO et seq. 



WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 175 

side ; but his statement occurs, not in his ' Brut ' or chronicle, 
but in ' A Book of Pedigrees ' ; and then we only have it at 
second-hand. So far as we can judge from the citation of 
Dr. Williams, his testimony amounts to this : that Madoc 
and his brother Riryd, who was Lord of Clochran in Ireland, 
went (somewhere) across Mor-werydd, to some lands they had 
there, and there dwelt. 1 

What precise meaning he attached to these words cannot 
positively be determined ; but it must be at once apparent 
that sailing ' across the Irish Sea ' 2 for that is the proper 

1 It is difficult to find trustworthy evidence in dealing with this 
question. We must assume the existence of this statement in some 
Book of Pedigrees, hitherto only known to those who quote it ; but 
they differ in the words they profess to find. The author of the Essay 
sent by Ab Ithel to Llangollen (lolo Morganwg ?) represents the words 
of leuan Brechfa to have been these : 

1 Madoc a Khiryd a aethant draw i'r Morwerydd, i diroedd a gawsant 
yno, lie trigfanasant.' Cambrian Journal, 1859, p. 98. 

Here the most significant word is draw, beyond ; but Humphreys 
Parry, professing to cite the very words of the author, uses terms quite 
different, but equally significant, viz. : 

' Madog a Ehiryd a gawsant dir yn mhell yn y Merwerydd, ac yno 
y cyfaneddasant.' Carmarthen Essay, p. 33. 

The first is Englished thus : ' Madoc and Eiryd went beyond 
(Morwerydd) the Atlantic, to land they had found there, where they 
remained.' The second is rendered thus : ' Madoc and his brother 
Khiryd discovered land at a considerable distance in the Western 
Ocean, and settled there.' Can two citations so different both be 
genuine ? Dr. Williams's Essay discountenances the suspicious words 
in both these professed originals, and says that ' Ehiryd, who was Lord 
of Clochran in Ireland, accompanied Madoc across the Atlantic (Mor- 
werydd properly, the Irish Sea), to some lands they had found there, 
and there dwelt.' Cawsant, again, does not signify to find or discover, 
but to have a thing given one, to get or obtain. 

2 Morwerydd is now used to denote the Atlantic Ocean ; but this 
signification first occurs in Dr. Williams's Enquiry (1792), and has 
only been admitted into the dictionaries within the present century. 
It first occurs in W. Eichards's Dictionary, 1821. In the verses attri- 
buted to Gwyddno Garanhir, descriptive of the irruption of the sea 
over ' Cautrev y Gwaelod,' or the Submerged Cantrev, on the coasts of 



176 MADOC. 

meaning of Morwerydd, and was the only meaning in lenan 
Brechfa's time conveys a very different meaning from Llwyd's 
words, ' sailing to the west, leaving Ireland to the north ' j 
and if we may use the Book of Aberpergwm to interpret the 
words of the herald-bard of Brechva, we shall hare historical 
authority for giving his words their plain and natural signifi- 
cation that Madoc and Riryd went to Ireland. The herald- 
bard says in his ' Brut ' that Owen Gwynedd married an Irish 
lady named Pyvog, by whom he had his celebrated son Hy wel ; 
that Hywel, on the death of his mother, went to Ireland to 
claim her property ; and that this was the reason why the 

Merioneth, Cardigan, and Pembroke, the Irish Sea is called ' Mererit ' ; 
and it is highly probable that, in leuan Brechva's time, this was the 
name of the Irish Channel. [Cf. Humphrey Llwyd, Commentarioli 
Sritannicce Descriptionis Fragmentum, Cologne, 1572, p. 41 : 
' Albanise parte in Mare Vergivio (quod Britahi Morweridh quasi Mare 
Hibernicum vocant, et unde antiquum vocabulum Vergivium deflux- 
isse reor) sunt Hebrides insulae.' Also his description of Cambria 
prefixed to Powel's Historic of Cambria, p. xvii (edit. 1810) : ' From 
Humber to the sea Orkney, called in the Brytish toong Mor Werydh, 
and in Latine Mare Caledonicum.'] At a later date, and even within 
a very recent period, it certainly had this signification. Dr. Davies, in 
his Dictionary (1632), uses it in this sense, and adds Dr. Powel's 
authority to his own : ' Morwerydd = Mare Hibernicum. D.P.' An 
eminent antiquary of the seventeenth century, John Jones of Gelli 
Lyfdy, in a MS. uses the word in the same sense. Sion Rhydderch's 
English-Welsh Dictionary (2nd edit. Shrewsbury, 1737) has: 'Irish 
Sea. Mor Werydd. Mor y Werddon.' Richards, the author of the 
Welsh-English Dictionary (1751), also renders it thus: 'Morwerydd 
and Mor Gwerydd, .ra. the Irish Sea.' Thos. Jones's Dictionary 
(Shrewsbury, 1777) has ' Morwerydd Mor y Werddon, the Irish 
Sea ' ; and Davydd Ddu Eryri (1795), in explaining the verses attributed 
to Gwyddno, says that (Cylchgrawn Cynmraeg, p. 227) ' Mor y Werydd 
yw Mor y Werddon,' i.e. is the Sea of Ireland, as positively as he would 
have said that two and two make four. 

Morwerydd, properly speaking, is the 'Q*ceai/6s Ovfpyiovios, or 
Oceanus Vergivius of Ptolemy that is, St. George's Channel ; and the 
v of Vergiv or Weryv, in accordance with a mutation common in South 
Wales, would acquire the sound of dh or dd. Thus Caerdyv, or Cardiff', 
is sounded Cuerdydd ; and iyvu, to grow, is sounded tyddn. 



WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 177 

Britons say that a large part of Ireland thenceforth belonged 
to them. 1 So far leuan Brechva's ' Brut ' : the Book of Aber- 
pergwm says, further, that Hywel having been defeated by his 
brother David, and wounded in the side, his brother Riryd 
took him to a ship and went to Ireland, that Hywel died 
there, and that he left his possessions in that country to his 
brother Riryd. 2 Hence it becomes highly probable that 
leuan Brechva alluded by the word cawsant to the lands thus 
bequeathed to Riryd, and that in his estimation Madoc must 
have gone to Ireland. This bard signed an heraldic return, 
August 12, 1460, 3 and is usually said to have died about 
1500. 4 If so, may we not assume that, in its present form, 
the Madoc narrative was to him unknown ? Does not his 
statement point to Ireland rather than America ? 

lolo Morgan wg says : ' We have manuscript accounts of 
this discovery [i.e. of America] that were written before the 
birth of Columbus. Dr. David Powel. in Queen Elizabeth's 
time, says, in his History of Wales (on the authority of Guttyn 
Owen, who wrote in Welsh in King Edward the Fourth's 
time), that Madoc sailed westward in hopes of discovering 
the lands that lay beyond the Atlantic (of which there were 
ancient manuscript accounts, as well as traditions, in Wales).' 5 
This statement was published in 1794, before the publication 

1 Brut leuan Brechva, sub an. 1130. Myv. Arch. vol. ii. pp. 556-7 ; 
Gee's edit. p. 720. This Brut terminates with the year 1150-1. The 
Welsh Chronicles were called Bruts, from the fact that the Welsh 
translation of Geoffrey of Monmouth's History of Brutus, &c. was 
called Brut y Brenhinoedd. 

2 Llyfr Aberpergwm, improperly called the Chronicle of Caradoe, 
and Brut y Tywysogion, sub an. 1169. Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 572 ; 
Gee's edit. p. 712. 

3 This return is published in Fenton's Pembrokeshire, Appendix, 
No. 14, pp. 45-47. 

4 Owen's Cambrian Biography, and Wilh'ams's Eminent Welsh- 
men, articles ' leuan Brechva ' and ' Berchva (a misprint for Breohva) 
leuan.' 

5 Edward Williams, Poems. Lyric and Pastoral, vol. ii. p. 64. 

N 



178 MADOC. 

of the 'Myvyrian Archaiology ' (1801), when Cambrian anti- 
quaries used to make very loose assertions respecting the 
contents of Welsh MSS. I venture to assert that lolo 
Morgan wg has done so in this instance. The contents of our 
MSS. are now well known, and I deliberately affirm that no 
such early traditions or manuscript accounts of lands beyond 
the Atlantic are known to have existed in Wales, neither are 
there any manuscript records in the Principality of the dis- 
covery of America, or other transmarine lands in the West, 
' before the birth of Columbus.' And, independently of these 
a priori grounds for doubting this statement, there are two 
ways by which we may estimate its truthfulness. The first 
arises from the consideration of the Book of Aberpergwm, and 
the second will appear in speaking of Guttyn Owen. I have 
said already that the Aberpergwm document names persons 
who lived in 1316 (Llywelyn Brenn) and in 1328 (Bishop 
Martin of St. Davids) ; but further we read, under the year 
1114, 1 of ' Owylliaid Mawddwy, a geffir fyth yn anrheithiaw 
gwlad ym mhell ac agos,' who are ever found despoiling the 
country far and near.' These Gwylliaid Mawddwy were a 
band of robbers, whose head-quarters were at Mawddwy, in 
Merionethshire, who caused much terror in the first half of 
the sixteenth century, who murdered Baron Owen, October 
11, 1555, and who were exterminated soon after. 2 The 
present tense, are ever, furnishes the date of this composition ; 
but this document, thus seen to be written about 1555, makes 
no mention whatever of Madoc ab Owen, or of any such dis- 
covery of transatlantic lands. Can we, then, believe the 
statement of lolo that manuscript accounts of the discovery 
of America existed in Wales c before the birth of Columbus ' ? 
This assertion stands alone, is unsupported by any specific 

1 Llyfr Aberpergwm, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 547 ; Gee's edit. p. 706. 

2 "Williams's Eminent Welshmen, art. 'Owen, Lewis, y Barwn, 
pp. 882-8. 



WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 179 

reference, and is nowhere anticipated or repeated by any 
other writer. I therefore deliberately affirm that lolo here 
asserted more than he could have proved, and that his state- 
ment is highly improbable, if not utterly untrue. 

Seeing that in all these cases we have failed to find any 
traces of a circumstantial narrative of Madoc's discovery 
written in early times, we come in the next place to consider 
the statements made respecting Gutty n Owen. No name 
plays so important a part in this controversy as that of this 
bard ; his authority has been confidently claimed for the 
affirmative side by Dr. Williams, lolo Morganwg, and Mr. 
Humphreys Parry (in his earlier writings) ; and not a little 
dexterity has been shown in the endeavour to place him 
chronologically before Columbus. 

Guttyn Owen was a bard and herald of high reputation, 
living near Oswestry at a place called Ifton. He has left 
behind him a large number of poems, called Cywyddau a 
Welsh Chronicle, that of Basingwerk, brought down to his 
own day ; and one or more books of pedigrees. And so high 
was his reputation that he was employed as an historiographer, 
both at the Abbey of Basingwerk and at that of Ystrad Fflur 
(Strata Florida), residing alternately at both monasteries. As 
dates are important in the present discussion, we must aim at 
exactness. He is said by one authority to have died about 
1480; 1 but, as will be seen hereafter, this is evidently too early. 
Another says he flourislied about 1480 ; 2 and a third that he 
wrote in Welsh in the reign of Edward IV. (1461-1483) ; 3 
a fourth that he wrote from 1460 to 1490 ; 4 and a fifth that 
he was a person of note in the reign of Henry VII., 5 who 

1 "Williams's Eminent Welshmen, art. ' Owain, Guttyn.' 

2 Pennant, Tours in Wales, vol. i. p. 40 (edit. 1810) ; Rev. P. B. 
Williams, Cambro-Briton, vol. i. p. 210. 

3 Sir Thos. Herbert, ante, p. 33. 

4 Cambrian Biography, art. ' Gutyn Owain,' p. 152. 

5 Dr. Williams's Enquiry &c., p. 9 (note/). 



180 MADOC. 

ascended the throne in 1485. That he was living in this 
reign is quite clear, as he was named among other persons in 
a Royal Commission to make out the king's descent from the 
ancient British kings ; but the date of this Commission is 
undetermined. Pennant places it in the early part of the 
king's reign ; * Dr. Williams thinks it was issued about the 
year 1500, when Henry sent his son Arthur into Wales; and 
Dr. Jones dates it in 1504. 2 

We are now in a position to discuss some of the questions 
raised in reference to this bard. It is currently assumed that 
he wrote an account of Madoc's discovery, and that Humphrey 
Llwyd and Dr. Powel were simply translators of that original. 
The only question, therefore, that affected the holders of the 
affirmative view was this, whether he wrote before or after 
the voyage of Columbus in 1492 ? Some writers have striven 
to show that he wrote before 1492 ; and in confirmation it 
might be said that the last entry in the Book of Basingwerk 
is dated 1461 ; but as that MS. chronicle makes no reference 
to the voyages of Madoc, or his discovery of America, the 
fact may also be used on the other side to show that his 
reference to Madoc must have been written at a later date. 
The opponents of the narrative affirm that he wrote after the 
voyage of Columbus, and it cannot be denied that, as the bard 
formed one of the above-mentioned Royal Commission, he 
might very well have done so. But whether his reference to 
this matter was made in words corresponding to those of 
Llwyd and Powel, and before or after 1492 } cannot be 
determined, as we have not the Welsh original, and it is not 
known on what writing of his Dr. Powel founded his state- 
ment. 3 

1 Pennant, op. cit. vol. iii. p. 49. 

2 History of Wales, by John Jones, LL.D. (London, 1824), p. 119. 

3 Humphreys Parry (Carmarthen Essay, p. 33) asserts that Guttyn 
Owen, ' in his epitome of Welsh history, gives a particular relation of 



WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 181 

The late Rev. Thomas Price, as we have already seen, 
suspended his belief in the Madoc narrative until the above 
question had been decided ; ' but this was rather uncritical 
ground to take ; for, though it be assumed that Guttyn Owen 
did write some account of Madoc's discovery, it should have 
been quite clear to him, from the Llwyd narrative alone, that 
Guttyn Owen did not write anything corresponding to that, 
and that, in its present form, this could not have been written 
until long after the discovery by Columbus ; for Guttyn would 
hardly have quoted the Spanish writings of Francis Lopez de 
Gomara, published in 1553, and no one could have referred 
to ' Nova Hispania ' until the Spaniards had given it that 
name ; neither would anyone affirm that America had been 
discovered by Britons ' long before either Columbus or 
Vespucci led any Spaniards thither,' until these two navi- 
gators had become pretty generally known. I conclude, 
therefore, that, though Guttyn Owen might have written 
something in reference to Madoc and some voyage of his, the 
Llwyd narrative, as it stands, cannot be a translation of any 
writing of his. 

But, if Guttyn's statement is not represented by Llwyd's 
account, what was it that Dr. Powel saw ? A moment's con- 
sideration will suffice to show that he could not have seen 
any reference by Guttyn to Spaniards, Columbus, or Amerigo 
Vespucci ; and it will probably be equally evident that Dr. 
Powel's own reasons for differing from Llwyd, and for believing 
that Madoc went to Mexico, could have had no place in 
Guttyn's MS. Omitting these particulars namely, the Llwyd 
narrative, which makes no reference to the bard, and Dr. 
Powel's own speculations we shall only have to consider the 
following paragraph : 

this occurrence.' This is a mere assertion which we know to be 
untrue. 

1 Ante, pp. 92-93. 



182 MADOC. 

' This Madoc arriuing in that Westerns Countrie unto the 
which he came in the yeare 1170, left most of his people 
there : and returning backe for more of his owne nation, 
acquaintance, and freends, to inhabite that faire and large 
countrie ; went thither againe with ten sailes, as I find noted 
by Gutyn Oiven. I am of opinion, &c.' l 

This only differs from Llwyd in giving the date, 1170, 
and in the passage in italics ; and the question now arises, 
What did Powel find noted by Gutyn Owen ? Or, first of 
all, how much of this paragraph rests on his authority ? I 
cannot answer for other persons, but it seems to me quite 
clear that the bard's authority covers nothing but the ' ten 
ships.' But, if so, was that all that Powel found ' noted ' by 
him ? Here again I answer affirmatively ; for it is scarcely 
credible that he would have omitted any further particulars 
if they had occurred in the MS. ; and this supposition gains 
strength when Guttyn's statement is compared with the Triad 
quoted in the first chapter. 2 

One other question yet remains. In the connection in 
which the statement is used by Powel, Guttyn Owen seems 
to say that Madoc went to America ; but are we to infer that 
his words would convey that meaning if we had them in their 
original and independent form? Before answering that 
inquiry, it may be well to observe that the reference to the 
'ten ships' suggests a comparison with the Triadic statement. 
There we find that Madoc went away with ten ships and three 
hundred men, but that it was not known where he went to. 
Here we have two points not specified by Powel ; but it is 
scarcely probable that he would have omitted the ' three 
hundred men ' if they had been named by Guttyn, and I must 
therefore conclude that the bard's statement was simpler in 
its form than even this Triad, and that in the original it did 

1 Historic of Cambria (edit. 1811), p. 167. 

2 [Ante, p. 20.] 



WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 183 

not affirm the discovery of the western continent, or of any 
other country. 

If this reasoning be correct, the statement of Guttyn 
Owen is far less important than it is generally supposed to 
be, and belongs exclusively to the earlier and simpler form of 
the Madoc tradition. The assertion that ' the rightful whelp 
of Owen Gwynedd ' discovered America must, therefore, remain 
without the sanction of the herald-bard of Oswestry. 

We are thus brought back to the consideration of the Llwyd 
narrative, and have now to determine whether it is a trans- 
lation from some Welsh account, or is itself an original state- 
ment. It must be evident, from many allusions and authentic 
facts given in the preceding pages, that there was a Madoc 
tradition of some kind before the times of either Columbus or 
Humphrey Llwyd ; and it is not difficult to conceive that 
there may have been an embryo narrative in the minds of the 
natives of Wales, before it assumed its present written form ; 
but I know of no Cambrian document from which it could 
have been translated ; and as we have it, it bears unmistaka- 
ble evidences of having come from the hands of an accom- 
plished scholar, not only well acquainted with the science and 
literature of his day, but also thoroughly conversant with the 
literature of American discovery. The hand of Humphrey 
Llwyd is too evident in its phraseology, topography, and 
allusions, to render it doubtful that he did not translate the 
words of any other writer ; and as Powel gives the name of 
Llwyd as the authority in his margin, and evidently knew of 
no other, it must be considered to be a point fully established, 
that the sole author of Llwyd's narrative was Llwyd him- 
self. 

Of this there cannot possibly be any doubt. Columbus 
made his discovery in 1492 ; and, half a century later, Spanish 
writers published histories of the New World. The writer 
of Llwyd's narrative quotes these writers ; and no one will 



184 MADOC. 

venture to affirm that he could have quoted them before the 
date of their publication. One of these writers was Francis 
Lopez de Gomara, the first edition of whose ' Cronica de la 
Nueva Espafia' appeared at Medina in 1553. It was re- 
published at Antwerp in 1554 ; l and, as Llwyd's continental 
correspondents were Hollanders, it is almost certain that it 
was this reprint that came under his notice. Llwyd's work 
was written in 1559; and that is the earliest date that can 
possibly be assigned to the written assertion of the discovery 
of America by Madoc ab Owen Gwynedd. His narrative was 
not written until sixty-seven years after the discovery by 
Columbus; and it was first published in 1584, twenty-five 
years later, or ninety-two years after the first voyage of that 
great navigator. 

If, therefore, the question be asked, whether the narrative 
of the discovery of America by Prince Madoc was written 
before the accomplishment of that feat by Columbus, I shall 
have no hesitation in giving a negative reply ; but it must 
not be assumed too hastily that it is on that account all 
pure invention. The traces of Llwyd's pen might be all 
removed without destroying the integrity of the native 
legend, of which they form no essential parts. There was, 
as we have observed, an antecedent tradition ; and Llwyd 
himself informs us that there were such narratives in his 
day: 

' Of the viage and returne of this Madoc there be manie 
fables fained, as the common people doo use in distance of 
place and length of time, rather to augment than to diminish ; 
but sure it is, that there he was.' 2 

He, therefore, simply, to all appearance, adorned and gave 
a definite form to a vague tradition already current among 
his countrymen ; and, as it did not originate with him, so its 

1 Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. ii. p. 402. 
9 Powel's Historic of Cambria, p. 167. 



WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN ? 1 85 

vitality in its earlier form does not cease when his authority 
is withdrawn. We shall, therefore, continue the discussion in 
another form. 



Section III. DOES THE NARRATIVE OF THE DISCOVERY OF 

AMERICA BY MADOC AB OWEN BEAR THE MARKS OF 
ORIGINALITY AND PROBABILITY ? 

Traditions are the foundlings of history. They have no 
recognised paternity, and are the expressions of popular 
rather than individual feeling, the aggregate contributions of 
many minds, warmed by the breath of zeal or nationality, 
rather than emanations from the minds of independent 
authors. And this is the case with that now under considera- 
tion ; the germs of it existed long before Llwyd wrote ; and 
it appears from him that the tradition had assumed something 
of its present form, and become current in his day ; but all 
our efforts to determine its paternity have failed ; and we must 
therefore waive that question in order to deal with the 
tradition in itself, and to determine whether it bears the 
marks of originality and probability. 

In order to obtain a clear conception as to whether the 
Cambrian story has or has not marks of originality, it may be 
well to compare it with the leading facts in the history of 
the voyages of Columbus. If it differs from these, we may 
reasonably infer that it is a tradition of native and inde- 
pendent growth ; for, though there were many navigators in 
that day famed for American discovery, the voyages of 
Columbus were the best known of all these, and the most 
likely to influence the growth of such a tradition as that 
under our notice. But if the Madoc narrative presents any 
very striking coincidences with the voyages of Columbus, 
there will be reasonable grounds to suspect that it took its 
form under their influences ; and it must be evident that 



186 MADOC. 

between 1492 or 1493, and 1559, when Llwyd wrote, there 
had been quite enough of time to account for such develop- 
ments. 

Columbus sailed, on his first voyage to the West, on 
August 3, 1492, from the bar of Saltes, near Palos, in Spain, 
with three small ships and 120 men. After many mishaps, 
and much opposition from his own men, he discovered the 
New Continent, and landed at one of the Bahama Islands 
either San Salvador or Watliiig Island on the morning of 
October 12. 1 On the 24th he proceeded to explore the 
newly-discovered region, and found other islands, such as 
Concepcion, Exuma, Cuba, and Hayti. He took the latter to 
be the ancient Ophir, the source of the riches of Solomon, and he 
gave it the Latin diminutive name of Hispaniola, from its re- 
sembling the fairest tracts of Spain. He there constructed a 
fort, and, leaving there the germ of a future colony, he set sail 
homeward on January 4, 1493, and landed" triumphantly 
at Palos on March 15 following. On September 25, 1493, 
he left Cadiz on a second expedition, with seventeen ships 
and 1,500 men, many of them volunteers, eager for gold 
and glory. He discovered many new islands, and visited 
Hispaniola to recruit his health ; but here he found that the 
men he had left there were nowhere to be found ; and it was 
thought they had quarrelled with, and been massacred by, the 
natives. He returned in 1496 ; and after having made two 
more voyages, and suffered many vicissitudes of fortune, died 
at Valladolid in Spain, on May 20, 1506, with a world- wide 
reputation, which becomes more and more lustrous with each 
succeeding age. This outline of his career is, of course, ex- 
ceedingly meagre, and is not intended to be a biography of the 
great navigator ; but it will suffice for the present purpose. 

Two considerations at once present themselves. When 

1 History of Maritime Discovery, vol. i. pp. 393, 396 ; vol. ii. 
pp. 3-4. 



ORIGINALITY ' OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 187 

Columbus returned, he brought with him several natives of 
the newly-discovered country ; Ferdinand and Isabella loaded 
him with honours ; the news spread like wildfire through the 
length and breadth of Christendom ; all Europe rang with the 
praise of the great admiral ; and the learned men of every city 
and kingdom in the civilised world united in rendering their 
tribute of admiration to the daring and sagacious navigator 
who had conceived the existence and accomplished the dis- 
covery of the New Continent. But Madoc, assuming the 
truth of the story, was far less fortunate ; Europe remained 
wholly unconscious of any such discovery ; and even the annals 
of his own country afford no trace of an event which, had 
it been real, they certainly would have recorded. Again, had 
Madoc sailed to America, and returned, he could scarcely have 
failed to note and record the wholly different and very peculiar 
aspect of the American heavens. The ancients, having sailed 
round the Cape, have left us descriptions of what they saw, 
which enable us to say that they visited the Southern and 
Indian Seas ; and descriptions of the astronomical phenomena 
of the southern hemisphere find place in the accounts of 
all the Spanish voyages ; but Welsh literature affords no 
trace of an acquaintance with the new stars and nebulee which 
attracted the attention of the Spaniards ; and the repeated re- 
ferences to the ' three quarters ' of the world shows that the 
Kymry had no conception of the existence of a new and 
fourth quarter. 

Let us now compare the two narratives, and see whether 
there be any resemblance between them. ' Madoc,' it is said, 
' left the land in contention betwixt his brethren, and prepared 
certaine ships with men and munition, and sought aduentures 
by seas, sailing West, and leaning the coast of Ireland so far 
north that he came to a land unknowen, where he saw manie 
strange things.' ' This land, in the opinion of Llwyd, must 
1 Historic of Cambria, p. 166. 



188 MADOC. 

needs be ' Nova Hispania,' discovered by Columbus, or Florida, 
discovered by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1512 ; but these con- 
jectures could have formed no part of the native tradition. 
' Madoc then returned home, declared the pleasant and fruit- 
ful countries that he had seene without inhabitants, prepared 
a number of ships, got with him such men and women as 
were desirous to Hue in quietnes, and taking leaue of his 
freends, took his journie thitherward againe.' 1 

Are there any resemblances here ? Madoc, like Columbus, 
is said to have sailed directly West, and like him to have 
found a strange land ; but, unlike Columbus, he did not give 
it a name. Why was this ? And when Llwyd gave the new 
land a name, why was he compelled to use one given by the 
Spaniards ? These facts seem to indicate that the tale of the 
discovery was post-Columbian. Again, Madoc left Wales in 
disgust ; but no sooner has he found a land to his liking in the 
Far West than he returns to fetch more of his countrymen 
than cared at first to accompany him. Is this a satisfactory 
explanation? Columbus went out intending to return; took 
possession in the name of the King of Spain ; 2 left the germ 
of a colony behind him ; and returned to get a larger number 
of men. In his case the motive is clear ; but the return of 
Madoc is not so easily explained ; and the fact begets a sus- 
picion that here also the statement is a myth, and that the 
story has been shaped in accordance with the voyages of 
Columbus. 

Llwyd, it will have been observed, represents Madoc to 
have made a speech to his countrymen on his return ; and 
this, again, has the appearance of being an imitation ; for 
Columbus, when he had an audience, on his return, from 
Ferdinand and Isabella, the King and Queen of Spain, gave, 

1 Historic of Cambria, p. 167. 

2 History of Maritime Discovery, vol. i. p. 393 ; and Kobertson's 
History of America, vol. i. p. 128. 



ORIGINALITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 189 

in an elaborate oration, a circumstantial account of his dis- 
coveries ; and the effect of that, and the speeches of his fellow- 
voyagers, was the same. ' The name,' says Robertson, ' by 
which Columbus distinguished the countries which he had 
discovered (West Indies) was so inviting, the specimens of 
the riches and fertility which he produced were so consider- 
able, and the reports of his companions, delivered frequently 
with the exaggeration natural to travellers, so favourable, 
as to excite a wonderful spirit of enterprise among the 
Spaniards.' ' 

Llwyd does not state that Madoc left any men behind 
him on his first voyage ; neither does he give its date or 
the number of his ships ; but Dr. Powel supplies these 
omissions. He fixes 1170 as the date of the first voyage, 
and says that Madoc ' left most of his people there, and 
returning back for more of his own nation to inhabit 
that fair and large country, went thither again with ten 
ships.' 

The authority for the number of ships we know to be Gutty n 
Owen ; and as that presents no resemblance to any Columbian 
fact, it must be assumed to be of home growth. The date was 
easily determined from the wars of the sons of Owen Gwynedd ; 
but where is the authority for the assertion that Madoc left 
most of his men behind him ? If he had native authority for 
this, why does he not give it, as he did in the case of the ten 
ships ? But if he had no such authority, may we not conclude 
that he was shaping his narrative in accordance with, and 
under the influence of, Columbian facts ? 

Sir Thomas Herbert writes still more circumstantially. 
He says that Madoc ranged the coast of the new world, and 
as soon as he found a convenient place sat down to plant, 
meaning thereby that he fixed on a spot to form his intended 
settlement ; that after he had stayed there a while to recruit 
' History of America, vol. i. p. 157. 



190 MADOC. 

the health of his men, as Columbus did, 1 he fortified his 
settlement, as Columbus had done, 2 and left 120 men, the 
exact number Columbus had left, there to protect it. The 
same thing occurred to these settlers as to the crew left by 
Columbus ; for, on the reported return of Madoc and his 
countrymen, they found but few remaining, and they attri- 
buted their death to the same causes either an incautious 
indulgence in the produce of a novel climate and country, or 
the treachery of the natives. Coincidences of this kind cannot 
have been accidental ; for, though many other navigators 
visited the same regions, no such resemblances occur between 
their adventures and those of the discoverers of Hispaniola ; 
and we must therefore adopt one of two alternatives, either 
that Columbus followed servilely in the footsteps of Prince 
Madoc, of whom to all appearance he never heard, or that 
the Madoc narrative in its successive stages was closely 
modelled upon that of the great admiral. 

It would be thought to be a satire on Welsh credulity if 
I were to say that any of my countrymen would adopt the 
first alternative ; and yet Dr. John Williams did not hesitate 
to suggest that, ' in the space of about 300 years, a report of 
Prince Madog's successful Western navigations might obtain 
throughout Europe ; and that the penetrating and enterprising 
genius of Columbus might excite him to pursue the same 
course, in hopes of finding a nearer way to China, and other 
countries.' 3 But there is no warrant for any such suggestion, 
and, for my own part, I must adopt the other alternative ; and, 
in answer to the question proposed at the head of this section, 
I have no hesitation in affirming that the narrative of Madoc's 
discovery does not bear the marks of originality. 

1 History of Maritime Discovery, vol. ii. p. 7. This was on the 
second voyage. 

* Ibid. vol. i. p. 397 ; Robertson, History of America, vol. i. p. 144. 
3 Farther Olaervations &c., p. 58, note. 



PROBABILITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 191 

The foregoing remarks must, I conceive, have made the 
fact quite manifest, that the Madoc narrative, in the form in 
which we now have it, and so far as it relates to the discovery 
of America, must have been framed after the voyages of 
Columbus, and under the influence of his discoveries ; but 
the criticism, so far as it has yet gone, affects the form of the 
narrative rather than its essence, and does not exclude either 
the possibility or the probability of the discovery. Still, in 
the absence of any positive record of the fact, we can only 
discuss it now in the light of probability. This question 
presents itself under three aspects, which we shall consider 
seriatim : 

(1) Is it probable that America would have been dis- 
covered by accident ? This is the form in which it first 
suggests itself; for we are told that Madoc went in search of 
adventure, sailed direct West, and discovered the New Conti- 
nent. Is this probable ? Columbus, we have seen, set his 
face westward, sailed in that direction continuously for nine 
weeks, and then descried Guannahi, which he named San 
Salvador. He had a firm persuasion that India, for that was 
what he sought, could be approached from the West, and he 
determined to sail westward until he should find it. But is it 
within the range of probability, either ordinary or extraor- 
dinary, that Madoc, without having any such persuasion, and 
in mere search of adventures, would have sailed continuously 
for nine weeks, into an unknown sea, and without any pro- 
spect or expectation of finding new lands ? Raised in this 
form, the question admits, in my judgment, of but one 
answer, and that one wholly adverse to the claims of Prince 
Madoc. 1 

1 I here assume that the course marked by Llwyd, i.e. that Madoc 
left Ireland on the North, is the correct one. Had he sailed up the 
North Sea, leaving Ireland to the South, the question would have ad- 
mitted of a different answer ; for, as will be seen in the sequel, Gree n 
land, and probably North America, had been discovered from this 



192 MADOC. 

(2) Rejecting this, let us next inquire whether it is 
probable that the existence of a new continent was suspected 
in the twelfth century, and whether it would have been 
sought by Madoc or any of his contemporaries. This is the 
form of the question suggested by Sir Thomas Herbert. He 
quotes the prediction of Seneca, the Roman philosopher, in 

his ' Medea ' : 

Venient annis 

Secula seris, quibus Oceanus 
Vincula rerum laxet et ingens 
Pateat Tellus, Typhisque Novos 
Detegat Orbes, nee sit Terris 
Ultima Thule. 

In English : 

The time shall one day be, 
Guided by Providence, when men shall see 
The liquid Ocean to enlarge her bounds, 
And pay the earth a tribute of more grounds 
In ample measure. For the sea gods then 
Will show new worlds and rarities to men, 
Yea, by His leave who everything commands, 
See Thule far less north than other lands. 

He then remarks that these were ' dim lights to show the 
way to the western world ' ; and adds that ' it is not unlikely 
that Madoc was acquainted with the prophecy or dim lights 
which led to the discovery of the western world.' l The 

quarter as early as the end of the tenth century, and that, to all ap- 
pearance, accidentally. 

At the quarterly meeting of the Eoyal Society of Northern Anti- 
quaries, December 6, 1861, Mr. Gisle Brynjulfsson suggested that, as 
Madoc was the grandson of Griffith ab Conan, who on the mother's 
side was descended from the Scandinavian Kings of Dublin, he may 
have heard of the discovery of Greenland and other western countries 
by the Northmen, ' these being well known to the Scandinavians in 
Ireland.' The remark is ingenious, but I presume there is no positive 
evidence to support the last statement (Arch. Camb. 1862, 3rd ser. 
vol. viii. p. 150). 

1 Quoted in Stephens's Literature of the Kymry, p. 144 ; 2nd 
edit. p. 133. 



PROBABILITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 193 

suggestion here thrown out is ingenious; but there is a 
total absence of evidence to show that any such ideas existed 
in the dark ages, or in the twelfth century ; while Seneca 
was an author only known to a few, if known at all ; and it 
is perfectly certain that these ' dim lights ' had no share what- 
ever in the ultimate discovery ; for Columbus sought to find 
a western way to India ; and to his dying day he thought he 
had discovered, not a new continent, but the extremity of 
Asia. He gave the name of Indies to the islands he had dis- 
covered ; and the West Indies retain to this day the name 
thus given nnder a false impression. It is therefore, I think, 
improbable that Madoc and his contemporaries had any 
suspicion of the existence of the American continent ; and, 
even if they had, it is improbable that Madoc, in the absence 
of a sufficient motive, would have gone to seek it. Columbus 
was allured by the riches of India, and the glory that would 
accrue to himself from the discovery of a new highway for 
Western commerce ; but while India was comparatively un- 
known, and the foreign commerce of Europe, and especially 
Wales, very small, this motive would scarcely have sufficed to 
influence Madoc. 

I may, however, state in this connection, though not 
strictly relevant to the inquiry, that in the fifteenth century 
the existence of other lands was strongly suspected. Pulci, 
the Italian poet, affirmed, ' it is possible to navigate far 
beyond the Pillars of Hercules [i.e. the Straits of Gibraltar], 
as the sea is level everywhere, although our world has a 
round form, as everything above is attracted to the centre, 
and the earth itself stands suspended among the stars. And 
ships shall proceed far beyond the boundaries which Hercules 
fixed here in times of ignorance, and they will discover another 
hemisphere, where are towns, nations, and empires. Those are 
the Antipodes, and they adore the Sun. ind Jupiter and 

o 



194 MADOC. 

Mars, they have trees and cattle, as you have, and often wage 
war against one another.' ' 

This was written fifteen years before Columbus sailed ; 
and if not inspired by his previous voyages, and those of his 
fellow-countrymen, as well as by the grand project he was 
known to entertain long before he executed them, may have 
had some influence on his mind ; but he evidently had clear 
and definite conceptions of what he sought, and had no 
intention of going to the Antipodes to seek the New World. 

(3) We now approach the third form of the question. 
Assuming that Madoc believed in the existence of such 
transmarine lands, and desired to reach them, is it probable, 
considering the state of navigation in Wales in the twelfth 
ceutury, that he could have made his way to America ? 
This view of the question has been already under discussion. 
Lord Lyttelton affirmed that, ' if Madoc did really discover 
any part of America, he performed an achievement incom- 
parably more extraordinary than that of Columbus ; but, 
without the help of the compass, at a time when navigation 
was ill understood, and with mariners less expert than any 
others in Europe,' he held such a feat to be in the highest 
degree improbable. On the other hand, it was alleged by 
Dr. Williams that the voyages of the Phoenicians, the Greeks, 
&c., to Britain and the Baltic were equally long and equally 
dangerous ; but this is a very weak argument ; for these 
voyages were made by sailing in sight of land, and along 
known coasts. It was more forcibly urged that the Britons 
in the middle ages had frequent intercourse with the conti- 
nent, visited Norway, and went to Iceland ; that the natives 
of the South Sea often made such voyages ; and that, with 
fair weather, Madoc's voyage was not impossible. 2 And a 

1 Morgante Maggiore, Canto xxv. stan. 228 et seq. 

2 Hanes Cymru, p. 591. With modern skill and scientific appli- 
ances, it might be possible to make the voyage to or from America 



PROBABILITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 195 

still better argument might have been found in the fact that 
the Icelanders in the eleventh. century used the loadstone in 
navigation, and that the mariner's compass really was known, 
if not to Madoc, at least to the Arabians, at or near the date 
of his reputed voyage ; for Guiot de Provins, one of the 
Troubadour poets, about 1181, mentions the magnet, its 
property of turning to the pole, and its being suspended ; 
and he also adds that it is useful to direct the mariner through 
the ocean. 1 Jaques de Vitry, Bishop of Ptolemais, expressly 
notices it in 1204, as the well-known guide of seamen; it 
was in general use among the Spanish navigators, who are 
supposed to have received it from the Arabian Moors, in the 
middle of the thirteenth century ; 2 and a circumstantial ac- 
count of its properties was written by a German physician, 
named Peter Adsiger, in 1269. It is, therefore, manifest that 
Flavio Gioja, a native of Amalfi, in the kingdom of Naples, 
who is supposed to have invented it about the year 1302, 3 
was rather the improver of the instrument than its real 
inventor. But, though the compass was thus known, its 

with inferior craft. Four rnen sailed from Benrmda to Ireland in a 
decked boat in 1618 ; but they had a compass and were experienced 
mariners (Calendar of Colonial Papers, 1862 ; World Displayed, 
vol. iv. p. 144). For a reference to passages to and from America in 
small vessels, see the Atlienceum, September 8, 1866, p. 305. 

1 Claude Fauchet, Becueil de I'Orig. de la Lang. Francaise, p. 555, 
cited in the History of Maritime Discovery, vol. i. p. 349. 

' Un art font qui mentir ne peut, 
Par la vertu de la mariniere, 
Un pierre laide, et bruniere, 
Ou le fer volontiers se joint, 
Ont regardent ler droit point.' 

La Bible Guyot. 

2 Capmany, Quest. Crit., Quest. 11, cited in the same work and 
page. In 1266, larl Starla, a Norwegian poet, was rewarded with a 
mariner's compass for an elegy on a Swedish Count (Torfaeus, History 
of Norway). 

3 History of Maritime Discovery, vol. i. p. 347. 

o 2 



196 MADOC. 

value was but little understood; and most navigators, especially 
in Southern Europe, were very timid in trusting themselves 
to the Atlantic, out of the sight of land. 

However, this is apparently a false issue ; for the inhabi- 
tants of Iceland, who were already half way, discovered 
Greenland in 982, and North America in 986, 1 without the 
aid of the compass ; and, on the other hand, a Portuguese 
navigator, who by a breach of faith on the part of John II., 
King of Portugal, was made acquainted with the plans of 
Columbus himself, failed to realise them, was unable to direct 
his course at sea, and, after being greatly tossed about, had to 
return home, and confess the treachery and failure. 2 It must, 
therefore, be evident that the most important element in the 
solution of this problem is the character of the navigators 
and their chief. Let us, therefore, inquire, What kind of 
character do the Kymry bear as sailors ? 

This question, also, has been answered in two different 
senses. Dr. Williams affirms that they had a large navy in the 
time of Julius Caesar, and that they had an extensive trade 
with the Phoenicians ; 3 but these reasons are rather far- 
fetched, considering that the principal question is the naval 
character of the Kymry in the twelfth century, even if they 

1 Blackwell's edition of Mallet's Northern Antiquities, pp. 244, 251. 
There can be but little doubt that the Scandinavian or Icelandic pirates 
did discover Greenland, though Eobertson (History of America, vol. i. 
p. 337, note) and Bancroft (vol. i. p. 5) have some hesitation in admit- 
ting the fact. The proofs are given in the Antiquitates Americana 
of the Northern Antiquaries, of which there is an English translation 
by Mr. J. T. Smith (Discovery of America by the Northmen in the 
Tenth Century &c., 2nd edit. 1850). Wheaton (History of the 
Northmen ; as also in his Scandinavia, vol. i. p. 163) affirms the 
reality of the discovery ; Blackwell also accepts the testimony of the 
Icelandic Sagas; and the evidence has been popularised in one of 
Chambers's Papers for the People. The Vikings used to take ravens 
with them to direct their course homeward (Frode, Landnamabok). 

3 History of Maritime Discovery, voL i. p. 386. 

s Williams's Enquiry &c., p. 60. 



PROBABILITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 197 

were sound ; unfortunately they are both erroneous ; for the 
ships mentioned by Cassar were those of the Veneti of Gaul, 
and the foreign trade was carried on in Phoenician ships. 

Another writer comes nearer home, and, in the interest of 
the Madoc legend, claims naval celebrity for the Britons of 
the fourth century. This impression, which Camden had 
attempted to produce before, is effected by garbling the words 
of Festus Avienus (who wrote about A.D. 370) thus : 

Turbidum late fretum 
Et belluosi gurgitem oceani secant 
Kei ad miraculum. 

Far and wide they plough the rough sea. 
And the gulf of the raging ocean 

In a most wonderful manner. 1 

But, on verifying this quotation, the original is found to 
produce a more specific and less flattering impression. 
Speaking of the people of the OEstrymnides, or Scilly Islands, 

he says : 

Multa vis hie gentis est, 
Superbus animus, eificax sollertia, 
Negotiandi cura jugis omnibus ; 
Notisque cymbis turbidum late fretum, 
Et belluosi gurgitem oceani secant. 
Non hi carinas quippe pinu texere 
Acereve norunt, non abiete, ut usus est, 
Curvant faselos ; sed rei ad miraculum, 
Navigia junctis semper aptant pellibus, 
Corioque vastum saepe percurrunt salum. a 

That is : 

This is the great power of the nation, 

Their proud mind, their efficient skill, 

Their desire of negotiating with all climes ; 

Their well-known boats widely traverse 

The troublous sea, and the gulf of the monster-bearing ocean. 

Certainly, they know not how to cover their keels 

1 Camb. and Caledon. Quart. Mag. vol. iv. p 470. 

2 Monumenta Historica Britannica, p. xix. 



108 MADOC. 

With pine or maple (decks), nor do they, as is customary, 
Curve their little vessels with fir ; but the wonder is, 
They always make their vessels of joined skins, 
And often run through the vast deep in a hide. 

This, therefore, is only a description of that very primitive 
British boat the coracle which may still be seen on the 
Towy and the Teivy, and certainly does not lend much 
support to the Madoc narrative. 

A better argument might be founded upon the ' Gododin,' 
from which it is quite evident that the British aborigines had 
a navy in the seventh century ; one Cynddilig is specially 
named, with his ' glassawc tebedawc tra mordwy alon,' or 
' blue flag against naval foes ' ; and of another chief it is said, 
1 golet moryet ny bu aesawr ' (v. 79), that, ' from having led 
a seafaring life, he bore no shield.' Cynddilig is also called 
* gwrawl amddyvrwys, gorvawr ei lu' (v. 81), 'hero of 
surrounding waters, great was his host.' l But it does not 
appear that the Kymry had a navy in the twelfth century ; 
and it is a pure fiction to affirm that Madoc commanded his 
father's fleet at the battle of Tal y Moelvre in 1142, for the 
battle took place on land ' ac am dal moelvre mil fanieri,' as 
Gwalchmai says ; and the only shipping present was that of 
the invaders. Still it was a gross misrepresentation on the 
part of Dr. Jones to say they had only coracles and wicker 
boats ; 2 for they often went to and from Ireland, 3 and cer- 

1 It will be observed that I have given my own version of the 
' Gododin ' passages : I am not satisfied with any of the translations yet 
published. 

2 Monthly Magazine, September 1819. 

3 ' Note the frequent notices of emigration from Wales to Ireland, 
about A.D. 1170, and insert in text : 

Annales Cambrice, A.D. 1167. 

Book of Aberpergwm, A.D. 1169, 1172, 1173. 

Gruffydd ab Cynan, 1170. 

Hywel ab Owain, 1171. 

Pyvog, &c v 1172, 1173, 1177.' 

[Author's note inserted on revision.] 



PEOB ABILITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 199 

tainly had some kinds of shipping. It does not, however, 
appear that their ships were numerous ; and it must be con- 
fessed that the testimony of Giraldus, who wrote within a 
few years of the reputed voyages of Madoc, is unfavourable to 
any supposition of their having been partial to naval pursuits ; 
for he says expressly that the Cambrians ' pay no attention 
to commerce, shipping, or manufactures.' l This distaste for 
the sea seems to have continued to later times ; and it is 
difficult to deny, in the face of such facts and of our own 
experience, that there was some truth in Lord Lyttelton's 
assertion that the natives of Wales are less expert as 
mariners than any others in Europe. There -are, it is true, 
a few brilliant exceptions, as Captain Griffiths (commander of 
the ' Conqueror ' at Port Royal, 1766), Sir Edward Parry, and 
a few others : still they were exceptions. Among such a 
people as we know ourselves to be in this respect, and in 
the face of the adverse contemporary testimony of Giraldus, 
we should not expect to find a great naval commander and 
adventurous sailors in Wales in the twelfth century ; and, 
in the total absence of good positive testimony in favour of 
Madoc's discovery of America, I am compelled to decide 
against its probability. 

Section IV. Dm MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY ? 

Having now examined the evidences in favour of what I 
have termed the affirmative view, and found them insufficient 
to prove the discovery of America, we come in the next place 
to consider the evidence in favour of what may be termed the 
tentative view. 

This, it has been seen, was held by Dr. Jones, and Mr. 
Humphreys Parry, and less positively by the late Eev. Thomas 
Price. Dr. Jones held that Madoc was an eminent fisherman ; 

1 Hoare's Giraldus, vol. ii. p. 289. 



200 MADOC. 

that he left his country ; that his departure was lamented ; 
and that he was lost at sea. 1 Mr. Parry held that he left his 
own country, but that there is no sufficient evidence to show 
what country he discovered. And Mr. Price contented him- 
self with affirming that he preferred a seafaring life to con- 
tending hopelessly for landed possessions ; but that, for any- 
thing more than that, it was necessary to wait for further 
proofs. 

We are now entering into the region of pure native 
tradition ; and it affords me pleasure to be able to state that, 
whatever conclusions we may draw from the facts now to be 
presented, there can be no good ground for doubting the 
authenticity of the documents in which they occur. They are 
found, on examination, to consist of three classes, namely : 

(1) Testimonies that are irrelevant to the inquiry; 
(2) Affirmations that Madoc went to sea, and was never heard 
of more ; (3) Facts showing that he died in Wales, and tend- 
ing to prove that he was murdered by and among his own 
countrymen in Wales. We will examine them in the order 
of this classification. 

(1) Let us first produce the passages which are, or seem to 
be, irrelevant. It is stated by the biographer of ' Eminent 
Welshmen' that ' the expeditions of Madoc are mentioned by 
Cynddelw, Llywarch Prydydd y Moch, Gwalchmai, and 
Meredydd ab Rhys ' ; 2 but Mr. Williams could scarcely have 
examined their statements very carefully ; for of all the pas- 
sages usually cited, one alone can be thought to justify this 
assertion. 

Apparently the least relevant of these bardic testimonies 
is that of Gwalchmai. After naming Owen, Cadwaladr, and 
Cadwallon, the three sons of Gruffydd ab Cynan, he pro- 
ceeds : 

1 Monthly Magazine, September 1819. 

3 Eminent Welshmen, art. ' Madog ab Owain.' 



DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY ? 201 

Madog madioedd goddoli 
Mwy gwnaeth vy modd no'm coddi, 
Un mab Maredudd a thri meib Gruffudd, 
Biau budd beirdd weird. 1 

The lines are thus translated by Mr. Humphreys Parry : 

And Madog, too, of liberal heart 
Delight to me would oft impart : 
Yes he, Maredudd's only heir, 
With Gruffydd's sons my praise shall share, 
For they in proud esteem the bardic name would bear. 

Here, assuming that the passage really alludes to Madoc 
ab Owen, there is evidently no reference to any sea voyage ; 
but it is also evident that the Madoc of this poem was not 
the reputed hero of American discovery, but Madoc ab 
Meredydd, Prince of Powys, 2 who was a liberal patron of this 
bard. To him Gwalchmai addressed one or more poems ; and 
he perpetuated his fame in a long and very beautiful elegy. 
This testimony of Gwalchmai's may, therefore, be dismissed as 
being irrelevant to this inquiry. 

One of the passages from Prydydd y Moch also seems to 
have no reference to our present subject. Modernised, it runs 

thus : 

Llywelyn 

Wyr Madawc ermidedd vwyvwy 
Wyr Twein virein ei avarwy. 

Myv, Arch. vol. i. p. 301 ; Gee's edit. p. 213. 

1 Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 198 ; Gee's edit. p. 146. I have modernised 
the orthography for the convenience of the reader. The passage at 
length, and in its original form, was given in the first chapter (a/nte, 
p. 16). 

2 Mr. Humphreys Parry uniformly treated this passage as being 
irrelevant : see the Cambro-Briton, vol. i. p. 60, where one of the bardic 
passages is said to be relevant ; the Carmarthen Essay, where it is 
omitted ; and the Cambro-Briton, vol. iii. p. 184, where the whole 
poem is translated, and these lines said to be intended for Madoc ab 
Meredydd. 



202 MADOC. 

and may be rendered in these terms : 

Llywelyn 

Grandson of Madoc, 

Grandson of Owen, grief for whom is becoming. 

On the same page Llywelyn is said to be ( Wyr Madawc 
vreiniawc enwawc ' ; but it must be evident at a glance that 
the epithet ' vreiniawc ' (royal) does not apply to the reputed 
voyager ; and an examination of Llywelyn's pedigree shows 
that here again we have the Prince of Powys. 

OWEN GWYNEDD MADOC AB MEREDYDD 

I I 

IOEWEETH AB OWEN married MARGED,' a daughter 

to this prince, and 
by her had 



LLYWELYN AB IOKWERTH, 

who was thus the grandson of both Owen Gwynedd and Madoc 
ab Meredydd. It was thought that an allusion to Madoc ab 
Owen's departure lurked in the word 'ermidedd'; but 
Dr. John Davies renders it ' vita eremitica,' and Richards ' an 
ascetic solitary life, the life of a hermit.' 

And as Madoc ab Meredydd was a devout man, who feared 
God, and built a church at Meifod at his own cost, 2 it was 
probably intended to refer to his pious life, or to his death 
and burial; for he died in 1159, upwards of thirty-five or 
forty years before the date of this poem. We therefore find 
that this also is irrelevant. 

Another of the poems of Llywarch, on which much stress 
has been laid, is that which refers to the ' two princes ' who 

1 Sir John Wynne's History of the Gwedir Family, Miss Angharad 
Llwyd's edit. p. 21 ; also Williams's Eminent Welshmen, art. 
' lorwerth Drwyndwn.' 

3 Eminent Welshmen, art. ' Madoc ab Meredydd.' 



DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 203 

broke off in wrath ; but in this poem the name ' Madoc ' does 
not occur at all. It is addressed to Rodri ab Owen ; l and a 
little acquaintance with the history of this period shows that 
he was the person alluded to, and not Madoc. In 1175 Rodri 
was put in prison by his brother David ; but, escaping there- 
from, 2 he took possession of and expelled David from Anglesey 
and Gwynedd ' uwch Conwy,' above the Conway, towards the 
end of the same year. This is probably the subject of the 
reference in the poem; 3 the two princes were David and 
Rodri ; the one ' on land in Arvon ' was David ; the one ' on 
the bosom of the great sea ' one of the designations of Mona 4 
was Rodri ; and the ' claim easily guarded ' was not 
America, but Ynys Fon, the Isle of Anglesey. The expres- 

1 It is entitled ' Arwyrein Rodri vab Ywein. Prydyt y Moch ae 
cant.' [Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 284 ; Gee's edit. p. 202.] 

2 Brut y Tyun/sogion, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 437 ; Gee's edit. p. 632 ; 
Brut y Saeson, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 577 ; Gee's edit. p. 681. Llyfr 
Aberpergwm, called by uncritical writers ' The Chronicle of Caradoc,' 
gives 1177 as the date of his escape [Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 577 ; Gee's 
edit. p. 714] ; but I have followed the older authorities. 

3 The four lines given at p. 12, ante, and left untranslated, bear 
expressly on this meeting at Aberconway, between David and Rodri : 

' Near Aberconway two " draigs " met by appointment, 

Two Dragons in the Strait (of the Menai), 
Two taciturn ones placed on the land, 
Two illustrious armies.' 

And it is scarcely possible to doubt that these lines refer to the facts 
mentioned in the native chronicles, and that they have no reference 
at all to Madoc ab Owen. 

4 The Isle of Anglesey is so called by Gwilym Ddu (A.D. 1280) 
(Myv. vol. i. p. 411 ; Gee's edit. p. 277) : 

' Mon, mynwes eigion.' 
(Mona, bosom of Ocean.) 

And it is evident that the epithet of the earlier bard was applied to 
that island. Indeed, we may consider that the latter bard had in view 
the passage under consideration, and that his repetition of the epithet 
fully establishes my position. 



204 MADOC. 

sion ' separated from all for a habitation ' must probably be 
taken in connection with other lines which follow it : 

Ar honn rodri mon .... 
Due eil ruthyr, &c. 

Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 284 ; Gee's edit. p. 202. 

That is, 

On this, Eodri of Mona 
Made a second attack. 

This refers to a later event. Rodri retained possession of 
Anglesey, apparently by treaty with David, for about fifteen 
years. He was the lord of that island in 1188, when 
Giraldus made his crusading tour with Archbishop Baldwin. 
But he lost it a few years afterwards. He was first married 
to Agnes, daughter of the Lord Rhys of South Wales, and by 
her had two sons, named Gruffydd and Einion. But after her 
death, being expelled about the year 1192, he went to 
Gotheric, king of the Isle of Man, married his daughter, and 
with his assistance recovered Anglesey in 1193. 1 This was 
probably the ' second assault ' named by the poet ; but he 
was repulsed the same year by the sons of Cynan ab Owen 
Gwynedd; and, in 1194, Llywelyn ab lorwerth became king 
of North Wales by the aid of the sons of Rodri. What 
became of Rodri afterwards is not known, except that he 
died, and was buried at Caergybi, or Holyhead. 2 

Great stress was laid upon this passage by Mr. Humphreys 
Parry, and he rested much of his case upon it ; but it does 
not stand the test of examination ; and, unless I am much 
mistaken, it will be admitted to have no reference whatever 
to the matter under discussion. 

1 Brut y Tywysogion, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 439 ; Gee's edit. p. 633 ; 
and Brut y Saeson, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 580 ; Gee's edit. p. 683. Also 
Wynne's History of the Gwedir Family, p. 25 ; but Sir John was in 
error when he put 1243 as the date instead of 1193. 

2 History of tJie Gwedir Family, p. 25. 



DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY ? 205 

(2) We now approach the second class of testimonies, and 
will, at least, have the satisfaction of dealing with statements 
that are of importance. Of these the first in point of date is 
the passage from Meredydd ab Rhys, who says, in returning 
thanks for a fishing-net : 

Let Evan, of generous growth, hunt 

Upon his fair land, a true patrimony, 

In an auspicious hour, I also on water, 

With the consent of the generous one, will be a hunter. 

Madoc the bold, of expanding form, 

True whelp of Owen Gwynedd, 

Would not have land (he was my kindred soul), 

Nor great wealth, except the seas. 

I am a Madoc to my age. and his passion 

For the seas have I also shared ; 

I will walk by sea and river, 

Along the strand with my circled net. 

The boldness here attributed to Madoc is at variance 
with the placidity claimed for him by late writers, and quite 
accords with the character given to him by his contemporary 
Cynddelw ; and it is quite evident that in the middle of the 
fifteenth century, when this poem was written, there was a 
distinct Madoc tradition. The only question here is, What is 
the purport of the passage ? It clearly proves that, to 
Meredydd ab Rhys, Madoc had the reputation of being fond 
of a seafaring life, and of being eminent as a fisherman ; but 
does it prove more than this ? The Rev. Thomas Price 
thought it did not ; and I confess that to be my opinion also ; 
for the expressions used were clearly intended to mark an 
opposition between sea and land, and to show that he preferred 
a sea life to landed possessions ; and it seems to me that they 
exclude the supposition that Madoc would have cared for land 
anywhere, either in his own country or in foreign parts. And 
this view is supported by the concluding lines ; for how else 
could the bard say, ' Madog wyf im hoes ' (' I am a Madog to 



206 MADOC. 

my age ') ? The subject of comparison is evidently the pisca- 
torial character ; and the meaning of the bard certainly was 
that both St. Peter and Madoc resembled him in this 
respect. 1 

The statement of leuan Brechva seems to come next in 
point of date, though, as we have neither the original words 
nor a specific reference to the work from which they are 
taken, we cannot speak very positively on this head. All we 
know for certain is that this carries the tradition a step 
further. leuan Brechva may only have meant that Madoc 
went to Ireland ; but, at most, his statement can only warrant 
the inference that, in his judgment, Madoc left his own 
country, and went across St. George's Channel. This is, 
however, an advance upon the statement of Meredydd ab 
Rhys. 

We are in the same uncertainty respecting the testimony 
of Guttyn Owen. The reference to the ' ten ships ' is evidently 
an advance upon the statement of the bard of Brechva ; but 
how much more it meant, and whether it afforded any express 
indication as to whither Madoc went, now remains unknown. 
As we have his words in citation only, though Dr. Powel, in 
all probability, stated all that he found, we can only assert 

1 ' It is better to be the wife of a fisherman 
Than of such as would not go to the water. 
Peter, great was his fortune, 
Was a fisherman, the best of men. 
To the same pursuit will I go, 
More than Peter I will not desist.' 

lolo MSS. pp. 324, 703. 

The lines are interpreted in this sense by the Editor of the latter 
part of the lolo MSS., the late Eev. W. J. Rees, of Cascob. ' The 
passage in itself,' he says, ' contains no more than an intimation of 
Madoc's preferring the sea to living on land.' He adds, it is true, that 
' when joined to the history given by Guttyn Owen, it assumes some 
degree of importance ' ; but as Guttyn wrote no such history, the 
passage must be viewed in and by itself. lolo MSS. p. 703, note. 



DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 207 

the authority of Guttyn Owen so far as this, that Madoc left 
his country and went to sea with ten ships. 1 

The Triads of the third series present the statements of 
the two persons last mentioned in a still more advanced 
stage, and enable us to see what the native tradition really 
was before the voyages of Columbus. As the triad here 
referred to is in every way the most important of this class, 
it will be well to note the exact words : The third ' divancoll ' 
of the Isle of Britain was that of ' Madag, son of Owen 

1 [The following curious traditional tale of the ship of Madoc, re- 
duced into writing in the year 1582, while speaking of Madoc's fond- 
ness for a seafaring life, his many voyages to foreign countries, and the 
wreck of his ship, says nothing of his discoveries or his fate. The story 
occurs in a MS. in the possession of the Rev. D. Silvan-Evans, B.D., is 
in the orthography of Griffith Roberts's Welsh Grammar (A.D. 1567), 
and in the handwriting of Roger Morris, and was published in a 
modernised orthography in Y Bryilion for 1863, p. 471. 

' Madoc ap Ouain guyned oed voriur maur a chuannoc i drafel ac 
am na ale o vod aral entrio ir Sygned guneiithur ac adeilad a unaeth 
long heb hayarn ond i hoylio a chyrn keiru rhac lynckii or mor hunnu 
hi ai galu oi guneiithuriad Guennan gorn ac ynn honno i nofiod y 
moroed urth i blesser ac i trafaeliod i lauer or uledyd tra mor ynn 
diarsuyd ond urth dymchuelyd adre ynn gyfagos at Ynys Enli yr 
yskyttiod phrydie yno hi yn greulon ac ai hamharod ymhel ac am 
hynny vyth hyd hediu i geluir y mann hunnu ar y mor Phrydie 
Kasuennan yr ystori honn a doeth o lau buy gilyd dann uarat gredaduy 
o hynny hyd hediu. / vely i dyvod Eduart ap Sion uynn i mi 1582 y 13 
o Vis Maurth.' 

(' Madoc ap Owain Gwynedd was a great sailor, fond of travel, and 
since he could not otherwise enter the Vortex he made and built a 
ship without iron, but nailed with stags' horns, lest that sea should 
swallow her up, and he called her from her make Horn-Gwennan, 
and in her he sailed the seas at his pleasure, and fearlessly voyaged to 
many foreign countries. But in returning home, near Bardsey Island, 
the currents there shattered her cruelly, and greatly damaged her ; and 
therefore is that part of the sea called, from that day to this, " the 
currents of Gwennan's Bane." This story has come down from hand to 
hand, under credible warranty, from that time to this day. So Edward 
ap Sion Wynn told me, this 13th March, 1582.') 

Another copy of this story occurs in Hengwrt MS. No. 337. 



208 MADOC. 

Gwynedd, who went to sea with three hundred men in ten 

ships, AND IT IS NOT KNOWN TO WHAT PLACE THEY WENT.' ' 

It must be quite evident that the first and last clauses 
expressly exclude all reference to America, or to any known 
location, and that they are directly opposed to the idea that 
Madoc had made any such discovery. Mr. Humphreys Parry, 
therefore, overrated this passage when he inferred 'that 
Madoc left Wales, but that, with respect to the particular 
country he discovered, there is no positive evidence ' ; for the 
triad affirms no discovery at all ; and it would evidently have 
been looked upon as a disqualification for inclusion in this 
triad if any such discovery had been made ; for it could not 
then be said that the place whither he went was wholly un- 
known ; while it is evidently a part of the very essence and 
intention of the triadic statement to say that he was never 
heard of more. Still less is there any indication here that 
he had discovered new lands in the West ; had returned 
home, reporting the result of his voyage ; and departed 
thence a second time. It may be presumed, assuming that 
he had gone away at all, that he had some object in view ; 
but no hint is given as to what that may have been. On the 
other hand, there is an indication that, whatever his object 
was, he had failed to attain it. The exact meaning of the 
word divancoll does not appear to be known. It is sometimes 
rendered ' loss by disappearance ' ; by Dr. Pughe, who falsified 
a quotation to support his version, it is translated ' devasta- 
tion ' ; and by Humphreys Parry ' vanished loss.' The word 
occurs only three times in our ancient literature ; the first 
time in Davydd ab Gwilym ; once in the Triads of the second 
series, in connection with the straying of Gavran ab Aeddan ; 2 

1 [Triads, ser. iii. tr. 10; Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 59; Gee's edit. 
p. 401.] 

2 [Triads, ser. ii. tr. 34 (' Tri Diweir Deulu '), Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 7 ; 
Gee's edit. p. 390.] 



DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 209 

and in the triad under consideration. It seems to mean 
' straying.' Davydd relates his adventure, on amorous 
thoughts intent, on a winter's night, when he lost his way, 
stumbled over frozen ditches, ponds, and other obstructions, 
and imagines himself to die of the cold caught thereby. His 
ghost, he says, would be seen, ' a sad object, because of death 
from straying (oherwydd trangc difangcoll), and fittingly, 
all over ice' (Wor,ks, p. 387). If this be the meaning of the 
word, the Triad merely affirms that Madoc went astray, and 
that it is not known where he went. 

These passages fall short of proving the discovery by 
Prince Madoc of any unknown lands ; and being manifestly 
of a traditional character, capable of solution into simpler 
forms, and exhibiting the phenomena of growth, they have 
no claim to take the place of authentic history ; but, waiving 
these considerations, they may be admitted to afford pre- 
sumptive evidence that Madoc left the Principality, unless 
there be some other evidence of an opposite character. 

(3) Leaving this matter in suspense for a while, let us now 
proceed to examine the third class of facts, mentioned above. 

On examining the evidences on the subject of Madoc and 
his reputed discoveries, most persons have been surprised to 
find that there is no notice whatever of any naval expeditions 
of the kind named in the pages of any contemporary historian. 
If the statements were true, they could scarcely have been 
thought unimportant; and, if Madoc had returned from a 
strange land, it is utterly incredible that none of the annalists 
of the time would have placed the fact on record ; yea, even 
if he had gone to sea with ten ships and three hundred men, 
and never returned, it is fairly to be presumed that the fact 
would have found an historian. But no such record appears. 
' Brut y Tywysogioii ' says nothing of any such expedition, 
neither does it name Madoc at all ; the three other ' Bruts ' 

p 



210 MADOC. 

published in the ' Myvyrian Archaiology ' are all equally 
silent ; and all the MSS. of ' Brut y Tywysogion ' at Hengwrt 
and elsewhere are equally destitute of any reference to Madoc, 
or his reputed voyages and discoveries. Giraldus Cambrensis 
visited North Wales in 1188, within eighteen years of the 
reputed date of the expedition ; and he, who was so ready to 
seize upon such marvels, would undoubtedly have mentioned 
the fact if he had heard it ; but he has not a word upon the 
subject ; and this silence is ominous, for, had it been a fact, 
some priest, if no other person, would surely have told 
him. 

The inference deducible from these negative indications is 
seen to be strengthened by two bardic poems, both of which 
assert that Madoc was slain at home ; and one of them indi- 
cates that he was murdered. The latter of these is the ' Ode 
to the Hot Iron,' by Llywarch Prydydd y Moch ; and from 
that, as given in the first chapter, 1 it appears (1) that Madoc 
was slain by an assassin ; (2) that Llywarch was suspected 
of the murder ; (3) that he denied the charge, as he does in 
addressing ' the Hot Iron ' : 

From having with my hand and blade slain the blessed one, 
From being accessory to a murderous deed, 
Good iron exonerate me : that when the assassin 
Slew Madoc, he received not (the blow) from my hand ; 

and that he was put upon his trial for the murder. He was 
evidently threatened with the trial by ordeal when he com- 
posed this poem ; but it is not known whether the threat 
was put in practice. At any rate, it would seem that he was 
acquitted; for the poem must have been composed before 
1169, and he was living forty or fifty years later. This poem 
is utterly at variance with the notion that the Madoc men- 
tioned in it had openly left his country, and even with that 
which affirms that he was lost at sea ; for the fact that he 
1 [Ante, pp. 11, 12.] 



DID MA DOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 211 

died at home is distinctly indicated ; the statement that he 
was murdered is equally explicit ; and, if the poem really 
refers to Madoc ab Owen, as I believe it does, it saps the 
foundation of the popular narrative. 

The other poem is still more significant. It is entitled 
1 MARWNAD TEILU YWEIN GWYNET,' and was attributed to 
Llywelyn Vardd ; but the copy in the ' Myvyrian ' has the 
inscription ' Cyndelw ai cant ' ; and the internal evi- 
dences favour that statement. At the first glance one is apt 
to think that the title includes all the seventeen sons of Owen 
Gwynedd ; but, on closer examination, we find that the word 
' Teilu,' or Family, here includes only so many of the family 
of Owen as had died towards the latter end of his life ; for 
the poem opens with an invocation to Owen himself ; it does 
not include the names of his sons David, Howel, Maelgwn, 
Rodri, and others who survived their father, and must have 
been composed shortly before the year 1169, when Owen died. 
The poem commences thus : 

Ewein arwyrein aur wron Kymry 
Kymroeyd orchordyon 
Mur metgyrn mechdeyrn mon 
Meu hoet am hoetyl y dragon. 1 

Or, in English : 

Owen I extol, golden hero of Cambria, 
Of Kymric retinues ; 

Bulwark of mead-horns, monarch of M6n, 
Sorrow is mine for the life of the dragon. 

And it thus becomes clear that Owen was living at the time, 
though far gone in years. The bard then mentions first the 
name of Llywelyn, one of the sons of Owen ; afterwards, a long 
string of others now unknown ; and towards the end introduces 
the verse on Madoc : 

1 Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 224 ; Gee's edit. p. 163. 



212 MADOC. 

Eny lias Madawc mur dygyvorth var, 

Meu avar car cynnorth 
Oet anwas cas cad ehorth 
Get anwar par yn y porth. 

The Llywelyn here named died in the year 1164 ; 1 and 
thus it is seen that the poem was composed after that date, 
and before the year 1169. Madoc must, therefore, have been 
killed between these two dates, in the lifetime of his father, 
and probably not later than 1168. 

Bearing these points in mind, let us now proceed to 
render the verse into English, and to apply the facts connected 
therewith to the subject of our inquiry. Dr. Owen Pughe, 
then Mr. William Owen, altered, as I have already intimated, 
the word ' mur ' into ' myr,' 2 and made the verse to testify 
that Madoc had been killed ' by the overwhelming wrath of 
the seas' ; but the verse makes no reference to the sea what- 
ever ; the original reading is ' mur ' ; and anyone who knows 
anything of our old poetry is well aware that this metaphor 
is applied very commonly. It occurs in two other instances 
in this very poem ; Owen G-wynedd is termed ' mur meddgyrn,' 
and his son Morgant is called ' mur gawr.' It is also applied, 
in the very next poem, five times in succession, to the Lord 

Rhys : 3 

Mur mawrgor, &c. 
Mur mawrdir, &c. 
Mur mawrdut, &c. 
Mur mawrdaryf, &c. 
Mur mawrdreis, &c. 

And hence I presume there can be but little doubt that ' mur ' 

1 [Brut y Tyivysogion, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 432 ; Gee's edit. p. 629.] 

2 Mr. Humffreys Parry also indulges in this misrepresentation, 
though he expressly refers to the Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 225 [Gee's edit. 
p. 164], where the true reading occurs (Carmarthen Essay, p. 31). 
[See Pughe's Dictionary, s.v. ' Myr,' for a different rendering of the 
word e.g. ' Myr meddgyrn ' is translated by ' spirit of mead-horns.'] 

3 Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 226; Gee's edit. p. 164. 



DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 213 

is the proper reading. Assuming that, the verse was thus 
rendered in Chapter I. : ' 

Since Madoc, the bulwark of swelling rage, was slain, 

I mourn a helping friend : 
The virile one was fierce in the busy fight, 
He was an arrogant commander in the portal. 

And there can scarcely be any room to doubt that this is a 
fair representation of the poet's meaning. 

Let us, then, proceed to apply the facts thus obtained to 
the allegations usually made in reference to Madoc. He was 
(so Dr. Powel affirms) an illegitimate son ; 2 and, at a time 
when the commanding abilities of his brother Howel failed to 
wash out the stain of illegitimacy, he could not have possessed 
a very large amount of influence. Howel, though he failed 
to obtain a throne, had a celebrity which extended itself over 
the whole of Wales, and obtained for him an honourable 
place in Welsh history, both as a warrior and as a poet ; but 
Madoc has no place in the annals of that time, and could 
scarcely have displayed abilities of a high order, else this 
silence is unaccountable. All the allegations respecting him 
break down when closely examined. He is said to have been of 
a placid disposition ; but Cynddelw says he was ' the bulwark 
of swelling rage,' ' fierce in the busy fight, and an arrogant 
commander in the portal.' He is said by Owen and others to 
have been overwhelmed by the sea ; but the verse cited in 
evidence makes no reference to the sea at all. He is said to 
have sailed on a voyage of discovery in 1170; but we find 
that he must have been killed two years at least before that 
date. His departure is said to have been deplored ; but the 
passage relied on in support of this refers to Madoc ab 
Meredydd, Prince of Powys. He is said to have sought a 

1 Ante, p. 10. 

2 Wynne's edition of Powel's Historic of Cambria, p. 194, edit. 
1812 ; Rev. T. Price, Hanes Cymru, p. 580. 



214 MADOC. 

peaceful settlement in foreign lands ; but the nearest proof 
on this point only indicates that he disliked landed possessions, 
and preferred a seafaring life. It is said he was led to take 
this step in consequence of the dissensions of his brethren 
after the death of his father ; but we find that Owen was yet 
living, while Cynddelw sang the elegy of Madoc ; and 
Prydydd y Moch was tried upon a charge of having been 
either a principal or an accessory to his death. We are told 
that he discovered strange lands, returned home, and sailed 
away a second time ; and yet his contemporaries are as silent 
as the grave as to anything of the sort. And we are further 
told that he went to sea, and was never heard of more ; but 
his contemporaries affirm that he came to a violent death in 
his own country, point to his dead body, sing his 'In 
Memoriam,' and try his suspected murderers. Thus, on 
every point, the statements of Madoc's contemporaries, whose 
incidental testimony is free from any suspicion, and is 
necessarily of the highest authority, is directly at variance 
with, and completely upsets, all the allegations usually made. 
Again, he appears to have had a family, and they remained 
in Wales ; for at a later date we find persons tracing their 
descent from him. Edward Morus, slain at Llanfyllin fair, 
1689, is thus described: 

Gwiwddyn gweddaidd mewn tangnefedd, 

hil Madog, enwog annedd, ab Owain Gwynedd gain. 

(Huw Morus, Poems, vol. ii. p. 221.) 
A good man, 

Of the race of Madoc, of celebrated residence, 
Son of the brilliant Owen Gwynedd. 

It does not seem to be known at the present day where 
this ' celebrated residence ' was ; but it may, seeing that his 
brother lorwerth possessed the Commot of Ardudwy, in 
Merionethshire, have been Gallt Vadog, near Barmouth. 
There is a place called Cae Madog in the same parish 



DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 215 

(Llanaber), and a Havod Vadog in the parish of Llanvor in 
the same county. Conan, one of Owen's seventeen illegitimate 
sons, is said to have had Merioneth, 1 hence called by Giraldus 
' Terra filii ConamV Possibly his illegitimate brethren had 
shares of it also. 

Relying on these bardic passages, the late Rev. Walter 
Davies said, ' I believe it may be proved from indisputable 
documents that Madog ab Owen Gwynedd . . . fell by the 
sword in his own country ' ; 2 and as a competent critic, and 
one of the most clear-headed of Welshmen, his opinion carries 
with it much weight. Can we honestly arrive at any other 
conclusion ? We have carefully and conscientiously examined 
every scrap of evidence adduced in favour of the Madoc narra- 
tive ; and yet have we not found them to be 

Like Dead Sea fruit, that tempt the eye, 
But turn to ashes on the lip ? 

We examined the plausible tale of the ' Welsh Indians,' 
and patiently considered the numerous ' proofs ' adduced on 
their behalf; and yet, did we not find that in many instances 
the statements were deliberate falsehoods, and that" in all 
there was gross credulity? Transferring our attention to 
home authorities, we found an abundance of confident asser- 
tions; and yet, in all instances, did not the affirmative 
evidences turn out to be either mere conjectures or total 
misconceptions ? 

Ascending to the more respectable platform of pure Welsh 
tradition, have we not found that the statements were still of 
a shadowy character, and that the basis of fact became smaller 
and smaller as we approached the time when Madoc lived, 
moved, and had his being? Arriving among the contem- 

1 Wynne's History of the Gwedir Family, p. 359 (in Harrington's 
Miscellanies : London, 1781). 

2 Cambrian Quarterly Magazine (1829), vol. i. p. 440. 



216 MADOC. 

poraries of the traditional voyager, have we not found them 
totally unconscious of everything usually alleged respecting 
* the true whelp of Owen Gwynedd,' and not only unconscious 
of these allegations, but affording indications strikingly in- 
consistent with almost every portion of the national legend ? 
In an era redolent of bards and bardism, we might have ex- 
pected to find poets and annalists lauding the wonderful 
sailor, voyager, and discoverer ; and had he been so in reality, 
he most certainly would not have been left unhonoured and 
unsung; but, instead of that, we find his contemporaries 
mourning his death, distinctly affirming him to have been 
killed at home, among his own kinsmen, and trying parties 
charged with his murder. After such an examination, ending 
in such results, it is, in my judgment, impossible honestly 
to arrive at any other conclusion than that of the Rev. Walter 
Davies. In answer, therefore, to the question proposed at 
the head of this section, I have to state, after a careful and, 
it is believed, fair consideration of all the evidence, that 
Madoc the son of Owen Gwynedd never left Wales, but came 
to a violent death in his own country, in the lifetime of his 
father, and from two to six years before the assigned date of 
his first alleged voyage. 

This narrative must, therefore, cease to be accounted 
historical ; and it is to be hoped that my countrymen may 
henceforth feel that they degrade themselves, and heap dis- 
credit upon our motherland, by giving credence to this idle 
and unfounded tale. 

Section V. THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 

The early literatures of almost all nations abound in 
legendary elements ; and whether we view the histories of 
Greece, Rome, Germany, or the far East, we shall find abun- 
dant evidences of this fact. As to Greece, we have the 



THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 217 

evidences of the fact in the Homeric and Cyclic poems, in 
the pages of Herodotus, the Pindaric Odes, and the dramas 
of ^Eschylns, Sophocles, and Euripides. < The Heroic Legends 
of Ancient Rome ' have been preserved by Livy, disengaged 
from the body of Roman history by the sagacious Niebuhr, 
and ably illustrated in the metrical versions of Lord Macaulay. 
In Germany, the long poem called the ' Nibelungen Lied ' 
is a great storehouse of historic legends. And the ancient 
literatures of Arabia, Persia, and India, which are slowly 
becoming known in the West, exhibit the same fact, in the 
legendary histories of Antar. Rustum, Sohrab, Krishna, Dama- 
yanti, and a host of others. In France, also, do we not find 
a cluster of legends around the name of Charlemagne ? 

If, therefore, the literature of Wales were free from, and 
destitute of, historic legends, the Kymry would form a grand 
exception to the general rule of other nations, and would sink 
at once into an inferior position ; for the absence of legendary 
lore indicates a want of imagination in the people ; and a 
deficiency of imagination is proof of intellectual sterility. But 
this character cannot, and does not, apply to the Kymry ; for 
it is almost a proverbial saying that ' a Kymro has imagina- 
tion enough for fifty poets,' though, it is added, ' without 
judgment enough for one.' Here, then, are the constituents 
of legendary literature ; and will anyone say that, when the 
soil is so well adapted for their growth, historic legends have 
no place in the Principality of Wales ? On the contrary, has 
it not been the nursery of fables, legends, and romances for 
the whole of Europe ? Did not the Arthurian romances, 
current in Wales in the twelfth century, and first introduced 
into European literature by Geoffrey of Monmouth, find their 
way into, and expand and fructify in, England, France, Spain, 
Italy, Greece, Germany, and Scandinavia ? And have we not 
still in our own language a whole series of ' Mabinogion ' ? 
Have we not already in print the ' Mabinogion ' of Bran ab 



218 MADOC. 

Llyr, of Pwyll and Pryderi, of Lludd and Llevelys, of Kilhwch 
and Olwen, of the Lady of the Fountain, of Geraint ab Erbin, 
of Peredur ab Evrawc, and the bard Taliesin ? Do we not 
know that ' Ystori Bown o Hamtwn,' ' Ystori Gwlad leuan 
Vendigaid,' ' Ystori Idrian Amherawdyr ag Ipotis Ysprydawl,' 
and ' Ystori mal yr aeth Mair i Nef,' are rotting and being 
worm-eaten in the libraries of North Wales ? And are not 
all the antiquarians of Wales shaking in their shoes lest the 
famous ' Ystori Seynt Greal,' which Gutto'r Glyn called ' Llyfr 
o grefft yr holl Ford Gron,' should meet at Rhug with the 
same fate as the manuscripts at Hafod, and the library of Sir 
Watkin Williams Wynn recently at Wynnstay ? Heaven for- 
bid that this valuable MS. should meet such a fate ; and I 
trust that Cambrian archaeologists will raise their voices in 
favour of having this story, which has never been published, 
speedily made known to the world at large. 1 

Who, then, shall say that the Kymry are destitute of 
imagination, or that the native mind of Wales is unfavourable 
to the growth of historic legend ? And if they indulged in 
fiction in past times, have they completely changed their 
nature since ? If they clothed the actions of Arthur, Geraint, 
Peredur, Owain ab Urien, Gwalchmai, Kai, and Klydno in a 
romantic garb, who shall say that they stopped there, and 
that the same imaginative faculty may not have been at work, 
shaping the imputed adventures of Madoc ab Owen? 

Assuming that there is no antecedent improbability in 
that supposition, let us notice the story in its various forms, 
and see whether it does not exhibit the phenomenon of 
development, and present a legendary character. We find, 
then, as a fact admitting of no doubt, that Madoc was killed 

1 [The author had the satisfaction of living to see the calamity here 
BO fervently deprecated happily averted, and the Seynt Greal, and 
several of the other MSS. mentioned above, published through the 
liberality of their owner, the late Mr. W. W. E. Wynne of Peniarth, in 
the series of Hengwrt MSS. edited by the late Canon Williams.] 



THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 219 

at home, and by the hand of an assassin ; and it is evident 
that the murder was secret, and instigated by some powerful 
motive, whether political or otherwise ; for it is probable that 
the assassin was hired for the purpose, as Prydydd y Moch 
only claims to be exonerated from having himself struck the 
blow, and does not profess to have no knowledge of the 
murder, while it is clear that he was a warm partisan of Rodri 
ab Owen. There was a mystery, therefore, about the death 
of Madoc, and that is what the human mind generally abhors. 
Many conjectures would, therefore, get into circulation, and 
in the lapse of time and space the popular imagination would 
multiply their number, and crystallise them into alleged 
facts. 

The chief difficulty in explaining the growth of this story 
is encountered at the first step that is, in accounting for the 
seafaring reputation of Prince Madoc. He may have been 
fond of the sea for all that we know, and the framers of the 
original legend may have had some traditional information on 
this head that we have not ; but there is no reference to any 
seafaring taste in the poems of his contemporaries, and we 
have, therefore, no right to assume the existence of any such 
testimony. Hence the difficulty. The Rev. Walter Davies, 
admitting that ' we have no authority for supposing that he 
[Madoc] ever sailed beyond Ireland or the Isle of Man, or 
even that he ever boarded a skiff, save over the straits of the 
Menai, and that he met, as is above hinted, with a violent 
death in his native land,' suggested that ' the perpetrators of 
the nefarious deed, to account for his disappearance, spread a 
report that he had collected a fleet and set sail in quest of a 
more pacific settlement.' l But this explanation does not 
seem satisfactory, for there could have been no doubt of his 
death among his contemporaries, as Cynddelw affirms that he 
was killed ; and Prydydd y Moch, in denying his participation 
1 Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, vol. i. p. 441. 



220 MADOC. 

in the murder, yet admits and affirms the fact. The story, 
therefore, is not likely to have been either invented or circu- 
lated at that time, and it was probably only after the lapse of 
a couple of centuries, when the fact of the murder had been 
resolved by time into a 'disappearance,' that imagination, 

which 

. . . bodies forth 
The forms of things unknown . . . 

. . . and gives to airy nothing 
A local habitation and a name, 

gave a definite form to the disappearance of Madoc. 

The traditions of various countries furnish many illustra- 
tions of this kind. National heroes, though dead, still lived 
in the native traditions. The fate of Arthur must have been 
well known to his contemporaries, but in later times he was 
said to be still alive, and he will 

Come again, they say, 
Blowing trumpets into day. 

King Sebastian lived in Portuguese tradition long after his 
death ; the Cid Rodrigo was expected for centuries to reappear 
and redress the wrongs of the Spaniards ; it is said that the 
Emperor Frederick Barbarossa still lives in the popular tradi- 
tions of Germany ; and, on a recent visit to Ireland, I found 
that the O'Donoghue still ' lives ' beneath the Lakes of Kil- 
larney, and that the boatmen of that lake really believe that 
he occasionally reappears. 

Neither did local knowledge prevent the formation of 
legends analogous to that of Madoc. The death of Aristobulus, 
Joseph of Arimathea, and St. Paul, must have been known 
to their contemporaries ; but in later traditions Aristobulus 
and St. Paul preached to the Britons, and Joseph founded 
the Abbey of Glastonbury. Nero's fate must have been 
well known in Rome ; but the Book of Revelation furnishes 
evidence of the existence of a fabulous statement, even among 



THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 221 

his contemporaries, that he had gone to the East, and was 
expected to reappear. Mexican history furnishes a parallel 
in the tradition of Quetzalcoatl ; and mediaeval romance re- 
presents Charlemagne to have visited Jerusalem, and to have 
contended with c Hugun le Fort, Emperor of Constantinople,' 
or the Hu Gadarn of the Kymric Triads. Nor are such 
parallels wanting in the traditions of Wales itself. St. David 
was said to have visited the Holy City, as also was King 
Arthur ; and King Cadwaladr, who died in Wales, was said 
to have gone to Rome, and was expected to return in order 
to expel the Saxon intruders. 

And it is not improbable that the genesis of the Madoc 
legend may be satisfactorily explained. There were two 
precedents already existing, in or about the fourteenth century, 
when the formation of Triads began to become a recognised 
form of literary composition. The first of these was that of 
Gavran ab Aeddan, whose fate is thus indicated : 

' The three faithful families of the Isle of Britain. The 
family of Cadwallawn when they wore fetters ; the family of 
Gavran ab Aeddan, when the " diuankoll " was ; and the family 
of Gwenddolau ab Cei'dio, at Arderyd, who continued the fight 
a fortnight and a month after their lord was slain. And the 
number of each of these families was 2,100 men.' 1 

The name Gavran ab Aeddan is a mistake, for Aeddan 
was a king of the Scots, who died in A.D. 607, and Gavran 
was his father ; but Aeddan had a son named Conan, who was 
drowned in the sea in the year 622, 2 and that fact is the basis 
of this legend. The second series of Triads gives a further 
insight into the nature of this ' divancoll ' or disappearance, 

1 Triads, oldest series, from the Llyfr Coch (14th century) ; Myv. 
Arch. vol. ii. p. 16 ; Gee's edit. p. 897. [This series, although the oldest 
in point of date, is given as series ii. in the Myv. Arch.] 

2 Tighernac, quoted by O'Flaherty, Ogygia, p. 475 : ' DCXXII. 
Conangus regis Aidani filius mari demersus.' [See a long and inter- 
esting note upon Aeddan ab Gavran in Stephens's Gododin, recently 



222 MADOC. 

and states that this family ' went to sea for their lord ' a 
aethant i'r mor dros eu harglwyd. ! And the third series states 
the object, that ' they went to sea in quest of the " Gwerddonau 
Llion," or Green Isles of Ocean, and were never heard of more.' 2 
This ' divancoll ' seems to have been the only one known to 
the compilers of the first and second series of Triads, but it is 
possible that this may have suggested the form given to the 
' divancoll ' of Madoc ; and most certainly, when a second 
' divancoll ' had been framed from the legend of Merddin 
Emrys, the nine bards, and the ' Glass House,' which of course 
is a complete fiction, the temptation would have been very 
strong to make Madoc complete the Triad. The suggestion 
that he was lost at sea would naturally arise from, and be 
confirmed by, these two precedents, even without any nucleus 
of fact. 

However this may be, it is quite clear that, in the time of 
Meredydd ab Rhys, Madoc had obtained the character of a 
sailor, a fisherman, and lover of the sea. It is possible, indeed, 
that the origin of this legend may be traced to the words of 
Llywarch [Prydydd y Moch], ' Ar vynwes mor,' &c., and that 
Meredydd ab Rhys may have thought they referred to Madoc. 
Such a misconception in an unlettered age would have been 
natural, and far more pardonable than that of such men as 
Dr. Pughe and Humffreys Parry in later times. leuan 
Brechva's story is an advance upon the words of Meredydd 
ab Rhys ; Guttyn Owen's ' ten ships ' is a still further advance ; 
and the last addition, the ' three hundred men ' of the Triad, 
probably represents its complete form as a native legend. 
Up to this time, the close of the fifteenth century, there was 
evidently no supposition that any discovery had been made 

edited for the Cymmrodorion Society, by Professor Powel, pp. 280 
et aeq^\ 

1 Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 7 ; Gee's edit. p. 390 [series i. tr. 34]. 

- Ibid. vol. ii. p. 59 ; Gee's edit. p. 401 [series iii. tr. 10]. 



THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 223 

by Gavran, Merddin, or Madoc ; and of the latter and his 
three hundred men, the Triads of the third series, composed 
not earlier than the close of the fifteenth century, expressly 
assert that ' it is not known whither they went,' and that the 
place where they were lost was utterly unknown. And it is 
in the highest degree probable that, if no such discovery had 
been made by Columbus, no such claim would have been 
made on behalf of Prince Madoc. 

Thus, up to the very close of the fifteenth century, this 
tradition, in its pure Kymric form, did not pretend to affirm 
that Madoc had discovered any Western lands, nor to know 
whither he had gone; but when the discovery of America 
took place, and became generally known, and not before, the 
Madoc legend assumed a new form, and adapted itself to the 
facts thus published to the world. Before the voyages of 
Columbus, it is expressly said that ' it was not known ' whither 
Madoc went ; but, the new lands having been found, there 
was no longer any mystery about the matter; and patriotic 
Welshmen easily convinced themselves that Madoc went to 
America. Humphrey Llwyd could now clearly mark the 
course he took ; declare, with all the appearance of historical 
authority, that he sailed to the West, leaving Ireland to the 
North ; and affirm, without hesitation, that Madoc must have 
landed where the Spaniards did. But the must of Llwyd 
failed to satisfy Powel ; and, having the results of Mexican 
conquests before him, he sought and found, to his own satis- 
faction, traces of the Madogian settlement in that locality. 
Hornius and Hakluyt, who, for reasons of their own, fixed the 
settlement in Virginia, circulated the new tale; and Sir 
Thomas Herbert, who is erroneously supposed to have drawn 
his materials from the library of Raglan Castle, adorned the 
narrative with details from the voyages of Columbus, as 
Llwyd and Powel had done before him ; and having a cordial 
hatred of the Spaniards, who were then the enemies of England, 



224 MADOC. 

he claimed the priority of discovery for the Cambrian Prince. 
Then followed the crowning glory of the poetic epitaph found 
in Mexico, upon the tomb of ' the true whelp of Owen 
Gwynedd.' 

Up to this point there had been no suspicion of Welsh 
Indians. Llwyd was of opinion that Madoc and his followers 
had neither preserved their language nor remained a distinct 
people ; for he expressly says that, ' because this people were 
not manie, they followed the manners of the land they came 
unto, and used the language they found there.' But, as time 
rolled on, the story grew ; Morgan Jones preached to the 
Welsh Indians in Silurian Kymraeg ; Welsh Bibles were found 
among them ; and every confirmation that falsehood and 
credulity could invent and credit were eagerly pressed into 
the service, until the Kymry, wise and foolish, learned and 
unlearned, elevated the existence of the Welsh Indians into 
an article of national faith, and believed as firmly that Madoc 
crossed the Atlantic and settled on the Missouri as that Moses 
crossed the Red Sea, and that the Israelites occupied the 
land of Canaan. Southey made the reputed discovery the 
subject of an epic poem ; and the story, through the zeal of 
William Owen and Edward Williams, and the genius of the 
late Poet Laureate, 1 gained very general acceptance. 

Then came a reaction. Tangible proofs were demanded 
of these confident assertions. Searches were made for the 
Welsh Indians ; but they could not be found. The survey of 
Lewis and Clarke, as well as the journeys of Evans and 
Roberta, proved that they did not exist ; Southey's epic was 
found to rest on ' the baseless fabric of a vision ' ; and ever 
since the credit of the whole story has rapidly declined, so 
that at the present moment it is generally discredited, and 
not a single living writer of any standing in literature can be 

1 [The allusion here is to Southey ; this work having been written 
a few years after his death, and in the lifetime of Tennyson.] 



THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 225 

named as a positive authority in its favour. My readers and 
myself have now carefully examined the evidence, in order to 
form our own judgment ; and I shall marvel much if any 
candid reader rises from the perusal of these pages with any 
other impression than that the story is not founded on facts. 

Seeing, then, that we have here a legend, and not an 
historic narrative, it behoves us seriously to consider whether 
we are not wantonly trifling with our national character, and 
bringing our name and country into much discredit, by boast- 
ing of glories which do not belong to us, while neglecting to 
perform duties which would really enlarge our name and 
fame ; and by thrusting in the faces of English and Continental 
scholars assertions which we cannot prove and they will not 
believe. The Madoc story has already done us very serious 
injury ; it has lowered our character as truthful men, and 
lost us much of our credit as a literary people. How long 
are we to continue this ruinous practice ? The story is clearly 
a legend, and has had its day ; and it is rather late for us 
even to retrieve our lost ground. But let us do our duties, 
late as it is. Let us put the legend in its proper place in the 
list of our ' Mabinogion.' Let us show that we are not inca- 
pable either of self-analysis or of historical criticism ; and let 
us show that we have, in our ancient history, literature, and 
language, honours enough that are really our own, without 
filching the glories or tarnishing the renown of Christopher 
Columbus. 

We inherit, and still fluently speak, one of the parent 
languages of the world ; let it be our aim to illustrate it 
worthily, and obtain for it an honoured place in comparative 
philology. We have an ancient literature, which Europe 
expects us to translate and illustrate : be it our pleasing duty 
to gratify the expectation. We have an honourable history, 
as yet unwritten, and existing in bardic materials : may we 
seek to study these records, to write our annals honestly 

Q 



226 MADOC. 

and thoroughly, and to present such pictures of our forefathers 
and ourselves, as from their fidelity shall obtain for us lasting 
honours, when the fables which form the texts of stump- 
oratory have been scattered to the four winds of heaven. Our 
fathers did their duties in their days and generations ; let us 
be worthy inheritors of their fame, and discharge the duties 
of our own day, manfully and well, so that our names also 
shall savour as sweetly in the nostrils of our posterity as 
those of our ancestors do in ours. 



TEEFYNAIS. 



APPENDIX. 

MADOC LITERATURE. 

I. 

HONOURED COUSIN, This is a copy of the paper which my dear 
brother T. K. sent unto me from New York, in America, which 
I promised to give you a copy of when I was at Trefnanny, and 
which thou hast a desire to let the Bishop of St. Asaph 1 see. My 
long absence from home hindered me till now ; but to elucidate 
things a little to thyself, as well as to that great antiquary, give 
me leave to premise a few things of the occasion of it. Myself 
and brother, some years since, discoursed with cousin Thomas 
Price, of Llanvilling, on this subject ; and he told us that one 
Stedman, of Brecknockshire, was, about thirty years ago, more or 
less, on the coast of America, in a Dutch bottom, and, being about 
to land for refreshment, the natives kept them off by force, till 
at last this Stedman told his fellow Dutch seamen that he under- 
stood what the natives spoke: the Dutch bid him speak to them, 
and they were thereupon very courteous ; they supplied them 
with the best things they had ; and these men told Stedman that 
they came from a country called Gwynedd in Prydain Fawr. 
This was the substance of it as far as I can remember. It was, 
as I think, betwixt Virginia and Florida or Mexico. This dis- 
course is said to be attested by the dying man. Oliver Humphreys, 
a merchant, lately dead (whose wife was, not long since, at St. 
Asaph, to prove his nuncupative will), told me that he spoke, 
when he lived at Surinam, with an English privateer or pirate, 
who, being near Florida a-careening his vessel, had learnt, as he 

1 Dr. William Lloyd. (T.S.) 

Q2 



228 MADOC. 

thought, the Indian language, which my friend said was perfect 

Welsh ; and, to omit other uncertain relations and conjectures, 

Sir Thomas Herbert hints at this about the last half of his book 

of Travels to the East Indies, and he cites Dr. Powel's chronicle, 

or rather his annotator's, H. Lloyd l of Denbigh, for confirmation 

of it ; both which, or one of them, are said to extract this relation 

out of Gitto of Glyn, and, as I remember, in Owen Gwynedd, or 

his son David's life, for I have not the book by me at present, it 

being now in Herefordshire, in which place it is said that five or 

six ships went from Anglesey towards the south-west, leaving 

Ireland on the right hand, and found at last this country, and 

returned back and persuaded his countrymen not to strive with 

the English, or kill one another about so barren a country, for 

that he hath lately found a better with few or no inhabitants ; 

and upon this about eleven ships went away, full of Britons, 

which were never heard of to any purpose until now. My brother 

having heard this, and meeting with this Jones at New York, he 

desired him to write it with his own hand in my brother's house ; 

and to please me and my cousin, Thomas Price, he sent me the 

original. This Jones lived within twelve miles of New York, 

and was contemporary with me and my brother at Oxford. He 

was of Jesus College, and called then Senior Jones for distinction. 

The names being not inserted as modern writers do write them 

nowadays ; but I bid the clerk transcribe according to the 

original. The bishop will soon rectify them, or any geographer : 

I was willing to leave the apographon to be like the autographon. 

But, if I may speak my sentiments, the Doeg Indians may be 

corrupted from the Madog Indians, and Cape Atros may be Cape 

Hatterash, near Cape Fair in Carolina ; for he saith that these 

British Indians be seated on Pantigo river, near Cape Atros. 

This Pantigo is perhaps some old name, yet hath a British sound. 

He names Cape Fair, not Feir ; quaere an idem ? He names 

Port Royal, which is now in Carolina. Then he fled towards 

Virginia. The Tuscorara Indians and Doeg Indians are placed 

there in the new maps of the English empire. I suppose his 

flight, and finding deliverance from his unexpected countrymen, 

was about Bacon's rebellion in Virginia, and was with the Indians 

about 1669. This Jones promised to bring any thither, his charges 

being borne, in a month's time from New York. 

1 Powel was the annotator of H. Lloyd. (T.S.) 



APPENDIX. 229 

Bear with my hasty one hour's descant, the bearer being in 
haste, which I thought once to publish more largely in print, if 
some more worthy would not attempt it. If I came near the 
bishop, I might enlarge about this and some other things of 
antiquity, of which I had some cursory discourse with him at 
London. 

I am, 

Thy much obliged friend and kinsman, 

CHARLES LLOYD.' 

M. Day 
Dolobran: 8 14 f (i.e. August 14, 1704). 



II. 

JOHN EVANS'S LETTER. 
'TAITH AT Y MADOGION.' 

Copi o Lythyr oddiwrth JOHN EVANS o'r WAUNFAWR, yn ARFON, 
at ei Frawd. 

Baltimore : Dydd Gwyl Stephan, 1792. 

ANWYL FRAWD, Nid yw yr ehangder sydd rhyngof & thydi, 
yn lleihau dim ar y gwreiddiol gariad sydd yn fy nghalon tu ag 
attoch oil. Llawer a feddyliais am danoch, pan oeddwn wedi fy 
amgylchi gan fynyddoedd o donau ar y cefnfor ; yn ganlynol ti 
a gai ychydig o'm hanes : Mi a gyrhaeddais y Porthladd yma, y 
degfed o Ragfyr gan mai y neges fwyaf gennyf oedd ymholi 
ynghylch yr Indiaid Cynmreig ; er mwyn dwyn ar ddyall i ti 
pwy wyf yn feddwl wrth Indiaid Cynmreig, rhaid it wybod 
ddarfod i Fadawg ab Owain Gwynedd hwylio gyd & deg o longau 
i eigion y Gorllewin yn y flwyddyn 1170 : yr Indiaid Cynmreig 
ydynt hiliogaeth y gwr enwog hwnnw, wedi amlhau yn genhedl 
liosog, yn awr, yn preswylio y wlad ehangaf a ffrwythlonaf dan 
haul, o ddeutu i dair mil o filltiroedd yn y gorllewin oddi yma. 
Myfi, dy ffyddlonaf frawd sydd wedi cymmeryd arnaf y gwaith o 
fyned i'w plith. 

Mor ddedwydd wyf yn tybied fy hun o gael bod yngwaith fy 
anwyl lesu, y Person bendigedig hwnnw a gymmerodd arno ein 
natur ni, ac ynddi a foddlonodd ddwyfol gyfiawnder. Bendigedig, 

1 Published in Owen's British Remains, pp. 107-111. 



230 MADOC. 

ie, bendigedig a fyddo ei enw yn dragywydd, efe a fu yn gym- 
morth i mi, yn wyneb mil o brofedigaethau, pan oedd pob noddfa 
arall wedi pallu, i'r agen hon o'r Graig gorfu i'm ddiangc, a 
chefais ddiogelwch : y Gwr sydd yn noddfa rhag y gwynt, ac yn 
lloches rhag y dymhestl a wnaeth i mi cyn hyn edrych angeu yn 
ei wyneb pan yr oedd o fewn modfedd i mi, a hynny gyd a 
sirioldeb. Yr ydwyf yn meddwl mai fy nyledswydd yw gogoneddu 
ei enw, os gallaf , drwy agor y drws i'r efengyl dragywyddol fyned 
i blith y trueiniaid hyn, fy mrodyr ; am hynny yr ydwyf wedi 
offrymmu fy mywyd i waith yr Arglwydd, gan ymddiried y gofala 
ef am danaf. Yr ydwyf yn bresennol yn Glare i un o'r mar- 
siandwyr mwyaf yn y dref hon, fy nghyflog y w 50 punt, a rhyfeddol 
o'r cyfeillion sydd gennyf yn y Byd newydd yma, llawer mwy nag 
oedd gennyf yn Nghynmru, nac yn Lloegr ; cynnygiodd fy meistr 
fy rhoddi mewn Masnach (Bussiness) fy hun, neu adael i mi 
yrru am eiddo i Loegr, a'u gwerthu yn ei Slop ef, os arhoswn yno ; 
ond yr ydwyf yn rhwym yn fy nghydwybod i gynnyg cael allan 
fy mrodyr, y Cynmry, yr wyf yn hynod o hoff o'r hen Gynmraeg, 
siarad Cynmraeg wrthyf fy hun, rhag im' ei gollwng yn anghof, a 
bob amser yn canu Cynmraeg. Dywed wrth fy nghar, Dafydd 
Thomas, ddarfod im' ganu ei garol, ar Ryw beth arall i'w wneuthur, 
yma, ddydd Nadolig. Y mae chwech o Gynmry yn y dref hon, 
a llawer o feibion Cynmry, y rhai nid ydynt yn dyall yr iaith. 
Mi a gerddais dri chant o filldiroedd, i ymweled a'r Dr. Samuel 
Jones, Cynmro, ac un o aelodau y Senedd-dy yn America ; y mae 
ef yn cynnyg cael i mi ugain o wyr ag arfau i fyned gydS, mi, i'm 
diogelu rhag yr Indiaid. Dyma y wlad hyfrydaf a welais erioed ; 
y mae y bobl dlodion yn y wlad yma yn byw yn well na'r 
Ffarmwyr yn Nghynmru. Ti a ellit, pe bait yn gwerthu Tai'r 
Ffynnon, a dyfod yma, brynu tyddyn mwy na'r Glyn-Llifon, am 
yr arian. Nid wyf yn meddwl byth ddyfod i Loegr i ymsefydlu, 
ond e allai y deuaf i'ch ceisio chwi, ac i ganu ffarwel i wlad fy 
ngenedigaeth. Mi a fedraf ddyfod am ddim, am fod gennyf 
gydnabyddiaeth gyd a'r Marsiandwyr yn y dref yma. O y 
llawenydd a fydd yno! pan y cyfarfyddom a'n gilydd etto, wedi 
i'r Arglwydd fy ngwared o filoedd o gyfyngderau, cymmaint a 
fydd ein llawenydd a phan gyfarfu yr hen Siacob a'i fab Sioseph. 
Y mae Mr. John Williams, mab Meillionen, yn meddwl dyfod 
ar fy ol ymhen blwyddyn. Yr ydwyf yn gobeithio y byddaf yn 
ngwlad y Madawywys cyn hynny. Y mae myrdd o beryglon yn 



APPENDIX. 231 

arcs am danaf, ti a elli feddwl, gan fod gen i fil a banner o 
filldiroedd i'w teithio drwy wlad y dynion gwylltion. 

O fy mrawd, a phawb sydd yn caru fy llwyddiant, gweddiwch 
droswyf, ar i Dduw'r nefoedd fy nwyn yn ddiogel i ben fy 
ymdaith, er gogoniant i'w enw. Yr ydwyf yn eich cofleidio i gyd 
yn fy meddwl, gyd & dagrau, rhag mai dyma y tro diweddaf y 
clywch oddi wrth eich brawd : ond os cwympaf o flaen fy 
ngelynion, yn yr ymdrechiad ; gwybyddwch fy mod wedi marw 
yn ddewr yn achos fy nghyd-wladwyr, fal y dylai Brython. 

Na wylwch droswyf, am fod presennoldeb yr Hollalluog wedi 
bod gyd S, mi yn neillduol, ynghanol coedwig y gorllewinol fyd 
hwn yn fynych,. pan wrthyf fy hun, yr wy'n canu fal hyn: 

Ar for o Wydr teithio 'r wy' 
Lie garw, enbyd, yw ; 
Lie soddodd myrdd, a llawer mwy 
A mi trwy ras yn fyw, &c. 

Wyf dy garedig Frawd, 

IEUAN AB IF AN. 

O.S. Eyddaf yn myned oddi yma i Ffort Cumberland, oddi 
yno i Ffort Pitt, oddi yno i lawr yr afon Ohio mewn cwch arfog. 



III. 

LETTER FROM DR. SAMUEL JONES. 

Llythyr oddiuurth DR. SAMUEL JONES at T. E. o'r WAUNFAWR, 

yn ARFON. 

Lower Dublin : Mai 'r 8fed, 1793. 

SYR, Eich brawd, fel yr wyf yn meddwl, a diriodd i Baltimore 
yr hydref diweddaf, oddiyno y daeth i Philadelphia, ac yna i'm 
ty inau, ddeuddeg milldir oddiyno. Wedi ychydig amser fe a 
ddychwelodd i Baltimore, lie treuliodd y gauaf mewn Cyfrif-dy, 
ac yna dychwelodd yn y gwanwyn. Dywedodd wrthyf fi, mai ei 
brif ddiben yn dyfod i America oedd amcanyd cael allan yr Indiaid 
Cymreig, Cychwynodd, o'm ty i, ddechreu mis Mawrth ar ei daith 
i'r gorllewin, i'r diben hyny. Anturiaeth glodfawr ond ei bod 
yn beryglus. Fel yr ydwyf fy hun yn wresog yn yr achos hwn, 
dymunaf iddo Iwyddiant o'm calon, ond ni roddais iddo ddim 
annogaeth, ond yn hytrach mi ai cynghorais i'r gwrthwyneb, hyd 



232 MADOC. 

onis cawsai ragor o gyfeillion i uno ag ef yn y daith. Ond yr 
oedd wedi ragderfynu yn ei feddwl i fyned, ac felly efe a aeth. 
Erbyn hyn yr wyf yn disgwyl ei fod fil o filldiroedd yngwlad yr 
Indiaid. Pan gadawodd fy nhy i dymunodd arnaf anfon y 
llythyrau a allswn ei gael oddiwrtho, ac atteb y cyfryw a anfonyd 
iddo yma, am y byddai yn amhosibl eu hanfon ar ei ol ef. 

Yr ydwyf wedi 'sgrifennu dau lythyr i Lundain yn barod 
mewn atteb i'w eiddo ef. 

Ni ychwannegaf, ond bod gennym wlad hyfryd, lie yr ydym 
yn rhydd ac yn ddedwydd, a lie mae rhyw beth o rym duwioldeb, 
yn gystal a'i rith. O na b'ai miloedd yn dyfod drosodd, yma, o 
wlad fy ngenedigaeth, lie tynais yr anadliad gyntaf, ar lie sydd 
anwyl gennyf hyd y dydd hwn. 

Ydwyf eich, <fec., 

SAMUEL JONES. 

IV. 

EVANS'S ASCENT OP THE MISSOURI, AND VISIT TO THE MANDANS. 

' Hanes Taith John Evans yn yr America.' 

( ' Greal neu Eurgrawn,' 1800.) 

' Ynghylch chwe' blynedd (neu ychwaneg), a aethant heibio, 
yr hyspyswyd yn gyhoeddus, fod llwyth o Indiaid Cymreig yn 
cyfaneddu ar Ian afon Missouri ; a bod dyn ieuangc o'r enw John 
Evans (yr hwn a anwyd yn y Bettws Garmon, gerllaw Caernarfon) 
wedi cymmeryd y gwaith yn Haw o gael gafael yn y cyfryw bobl. 

4 Ar ol gorchfygu amrywiol rwystrau, efe a gychwynnodd ei 
daith yn Awst 1795, o St. Lewis ynghwmp'ni Mr. James Mackay, 
goruchwiliwr y farsiandaeth ar yr afon Missouri ; ac ynghylch 
diwedd y flwyddyn, efe a diriodd ymhlith llwyth o Indiaid a elwir 
Mahas, 900 o filldiroedd i fynu yr afon Missouri, ac yno y gauafodd 
efe. Yn Chwefror 1796, efe a ail gychwynnodd i'w daith tu a'r 
Gorllewin, ac a aeth yn ei flaen ynghylch 300 milldir ; ond gorfu 
iddo droi yn ol i'w sefydle flaenorol, pan ganf u fod y Seaux mewn 
agwedd ryfelgar ; ond yn y Maihafhin canlynol, efe a gychwyn- 
nodd ar hyd yr un ffordd ; ac yn Awst, efe a diriodd yn mysg y 
Mandan a'r cenhedloedd bobliog, 1 900 milldir oddiwrth y Mahas. 

1 ' Pobliog ' is here used apparently in the sense of the Spanish 
word pueblo, a town, to denote that the Man dans had fixed habitations, 
unlike the migratory Indians. 






APPENDIX. 233 

' Mae'r Missouri, medd efe, dros 780 o filldiroedd o St. Lewis, 
yn ymddolenu, ac yn ffurfio camrhedyneu ardderchog, ac yn 
rhedeg drwy ddolydd hyfryd morwastad a bwrdd; ond ar ambell 
dro, y mae'r afon yn rhedeg ar bob ochr i'r bryniau ; ond ei 
thyniad cyffredinol sydd tu a'r dehau i'r gwastadedd ynghylch 
1200 o filldiroedd ; y mae hi yn llawn o ynysoedd by chain, ac yn 
derbyn iddi amryw o ffrydiau mawrion o'r Mandas, a'r Puncas, 
yr hyn sydd agos i 600 milldir. Mae'r afon wedi ynnill ei ffordd, 
ac yn rhedeg yn orwyllt drwy fynyddoedd a bryniau yn llawn o 
fwngloddiau. 

'Wedi golygu achymmeryd darlun o'r afon Missouri am 1800 
milldir, efe a ddychwelodd gyd a chefnffrwd yr afon mewn 68 o 
ddyddiau. Cyrhaeddodd i St. Lewis, yn y Gorphenhaf 1797, ar 
ol bod yn absenol agos i ddwy flynedd. 

' Mewn perthynas i'r Indiaid Cymreig, y mae efe yn dy wedyd, 
nad allai ef gyfarf od a'r fath bobl : ac y mae efe wedi sefydlu ei 
farn, yr hon a seiliodd ar gydnabyddiaeth gyd ag amryw Iwythau, 
nad oes y fath bobl mewn bod.' 

This document alone would suffice to negative the supposition 
of the Kymric origin of the Mandans, and of the existence of 
Welsh Indians on the Missouri. The editor of the ' Greal ' 
suggested that Evans did not go far enough ; but the researches 
of Catlin have shown that this was an error, and that the Black - 
feet, Crows, and Knisteneux, who lay further west, were not 
' Welsh ' Indians. 

V. 

There are several pieces composed in reference to the supposed 
voyages of Madoc, which may be referred to here, if not repro- 
duced. Of course, they cannot be accounted to be authorities. 
Dr. Williams's two essays have been frequently cited in the fore- 
going pages, as also the pamphlet of the Rev. G. Burder ; but the 
most celebrated work of this kind is Southey's epic poem, which, 
being now well known, needs no further notice. 

VI. 

The ; Cylchgrawn,' already quoted, contains in No. 2, p. 103, a 
speech entitled ' Madawg ab Owain Gwynedd, yn ymadaw d 
Chynmru ' ; but, as it is not remarkable for imaginative power or 
literary ability, I will simply indicate its existence. 



\ 



234 MADOC. 

VII. 

THK LATEST REFERENCE TO THE MADOGWYS. 

LETTER OF ME. J. T. ROBERTS. 

'YR INDIAID CYMREIQ.' 

Sacramento City, California : Tach. 17, 1857. 

ANWYL FRAWD EVERETT, Yr wyf yn ysgrifenu attach eto 
ychydig linellau ar yr hen bwnc, sef yr Indiaid Cymreig neu 
Wynion. Ychydig ddyddiau yn ol darfu i ddyn o'r enw Gilman 
arcs yn fy nhy (yn y mwngloddiau) am rai dyddiau, yr hwn a 
dreuliasai auaf 1852-3 yn Great Salt Lake City. Yr oedd yn 
byw y pryd hyny tua 40 milldir o'r ddinas hen wreigan a'i merch. 
Tra bu fy hysbysydd yno, gwelodd dri o Indiaid Gwynion yn 
galw yn y ty, un ddynes a dau hogyn mawr, sef dau frawd a 
chwaer. Gwynion oedd y tri, a'r hogiau yn bengoch. Yr oedd 
y ddynes yn brydweddol ac yn lied ffyrf a thra llydan ei 
hysgwyddau, a gwallt du. Yr oedd ganddi fab yn bengoch. 
Dywedai yr hen wreigan fod gan ei gwr wallt coch. Dywedai yr 
hen wraig y gallai hi ddeall yn mron y cwbl a ddywedai mai 
Cymraeg oedd. Dywedai yr Indies i'w phobl hi ddyfod dros y 
Dwfr Mawr, mewn tair Hong, ac na ddychwelsant fyth. Dywedai 
eu bod wedi eu hamddiffyn yn gadarn, lie y preswyliant yn awr, 
a bod gaiiddynt lawer o ddefaid, a'u bod yn gweithio y gwlan i 
wneyd dillad. Dillad gwlan oedd ganddi hi y pryd hyny. 
Maent yn cael llawer o helbul oddiwrth Indiaid eraill. Y bechgyn 
a ddywedent iddynt gael eu lladratta gan Indiaid a'u gwerthu i 
bobl wynion yn Calif ornia-Isaf neu Mexico Newydd. Yr oeddynt 
wedi bod yn ymweled a'u pobl ; ac yr oeddynt yn awr ar eu 
ffordd yn dychwelyd at y bobl wynion yn ol eu haddewid, a mynai 
y chwaer ganlyn y brodyr. Gwelodd Mr. Gilman dri o Indiaid 
Gwynion eraill a gwallt coch yn yr un gymydogaeth, dau ddyn 
ac un bachgen; a barna oddiwrth yr hysbysrwydd a gafodd trwy 
yr hen wraig hono, a rhai o'r Mormoniaid a fuasent yn eu gwlad, 
eu bod yn byw i'r de oddiwrth y Llyn Halen Fawr, yn agos i'r 
llinell derfyn rhwng Utah a Mexico Newydd. 

Daeth teulu yma yn ddiweddar y rhai a welsant yn mysg yr 
Indiaid hyny lawer o rai gwynion a gwallt coch. Dywedir fod 
rhai o'r Mormoniaid wedi bod yn eu mysg, yn ceisio eu prosely tio 



APPENDIX. 235 

i'w ffydd hwy, a'u bod wedi methu. Maent yn grefyddol a 
chanddynt dy cwrdd mawr. Nid oedd Mr. Oilman wedi clywed 
son am Madog ab Owen Owynedd erioed. Fy meddwl i yw, fod 
hyn yn brawf o fodob'aeth yr Indiaid Cymreig cryfach na dim a 
welais eto ; a barnaf nad oes llawer o amheuaeth nad ellid cael 
hyd iddynt. Yr wyf yn meddwl pe buasai genyf y fath hysbys- 
rwydd a hyn pan yr oeddwn yn St. Louis yn ymchwilio am 
danynt yn 1819, y buaswn yn gwneyd fy ffordd atynt. Nid oedd 
y pryd hyny ond ychydig o Gymry yn America mewn cydmariaeth 
i'r hyn sydd yn awr, a'r casgliad a wnaed y pryd hyny nid oedd 
ddim mwy na digon i dalu traul dau ddyn i St, Louis ac yn ol. 
Nis gallwyd cael dim hanes am eu bodoliaeth yno, ac ni awd dim 
yn mhellach. Meddyliwyf y gellid cael hyd iddynt yn awr heb 
lawer o drafferth. 

JOHN T. ROBERTS. 

(Extracted from the ' Cenhadwr,' an American publication, 
into the ' Amserau,' published at Liverpool, March 31, 1858.) 

Mr. Roberts here shows a livelier faith in the existence of the 
Welsh Indians than he showed in 1819; and it is not improbable 
that his hint respecting a subscription may lead to another 
search. But, in order to prepare Kymric minds for the dis- 
appointment that must result, it may be well to remark that the 
Indians here spoken of, who wore and wove woollen garments, 
had a large meeting-house among them, had white skins and red 
hair, and lived to the south of the Great Salt Lake, could be no 
other than the Moquis or Navajoes, of whom we have already 
written at length. We know from Ruxton and others that they 
have albinoes among them, that they are light-coloured as com- 
pared with other Indians, that they have a casa grande or great 
temple, and that they make blankets ; but all that does not show 
them to be Welsh, and we cannot trust the statement of an old 
woman, who possibly did not know Welsh herself, or, perhaps, 
like Barney Ward's friend, knew ' only a few words.' The 
Moquis, as we have already said on the authority of Ruxton, 
spoke the Aztec or Mexican language, which has no resemblance 
to Kymraeg. 



236 MADOC. 

THE LLANGOLLEN ADJUDICATION ON THE MADOC ESSAYS. 

The adjudication of the Rev. D. S. Evans, formerly professor 
of the Welsh language at Lampeter College, and author of an 
excellent English- Welsh dictionary in two vols., recently pub- 
lished, is as follows : 

To the Secretaries of the Llangollen Eisteddfod. 

GENTLEMEN, Inasmuch as a controversy has arisen respecting 
the adjudication on the Madoc Essays, and as one of the reasons 
alleged by the Llangollen committee for withholding the prize 
from the author of the best essay is an imputed informality in 
my award, I, as one of the appointed judges, consider it to be my 
duty to the competitors and to myself again to lay before the 
committee a formal statement of my views. 

The subject was announced in these terms : ' For the best 
essay on the discovery of America in the 12th century, by Prince 
Madoc ap Owen Gwynedd, 2QI. and a silver star.' 

Six essays were forwarded to me. Five of the writers took 
the affirmative side, and laboured with more or less ability to 
show that Madoc ap Owen had discovered America ; but one of 
them, under the signature of GWRNERTH ERGYDLYM, by far the 
ablest writer, took the opposite side ; examined the subject fully 
and candidly ; displayed throughout a deep acquaintance with all 
the evidences bearing upon the question ; and manifested no 
small amount of critical sagacity. 

While the essays were under consideration, I received a note 
from one of the secretaries, stating that both he and his colleague 
were of opinion that a treatise ' sent in on the non-discovery of 
America ought not to be received, there being no such subject in 
the programme.' This interference with the functions of the 
judges appears to me to have been irregular and improper, and 
implied that those to whom the adjudication of these essays had 
been entrusted were not capable of deciding whether they were 
on the proposed subject or not. I therefore claim for myself, and 
for those who acted with me, the right to interpret the terms of 
the announcement in accordance with their obvious meaning, and 
the spirit of the age in which we live. I am decidedly of opinion 
that the negative essayist ought to participate in the competition; 
and I emphatically deny that the competitors were bound to 



APPENDIX. 237 

commit the immorality of adopting any conclusion that seemed 
to them not warranted by the premises. 

I do not think it necessary to enter into the comparative 
merits of the affirmative essays. All of them, whether we take 
them singly or collectively, appear to me to fall far short of 
establishing the points which their respective writers have under- 
taken to prove ; and as literary compositions, none of them will 
bear comparison with the masterly essay of Gwrnerth Ergydlym. 

Having read the whole of the essays with as much care as the 
circumstances permitted, the impressions produced on my mind 
are these : 

1. That the existence of the so-called Welsh Indians has not 
yet been established. 

2. That Madoc's alleged discovery of the American continent 
rests upon bare conjecture. 

3. And that it is still an open question whether he ever left 
his own country. 

If these essays exhaust the subject to which they refer, I can 
draw no other inference from their contents than that these points 
cannot, with our present stock of knowledge, be proved to the 
satisfaction of unbiassed minds. I am, therefore, of opinion that 
one judgment alone is possible ; and that the prize ought to be 
awarded to Gwrnerth Ergydlym. 

In this sense, but less fully, I had expressed myself to you in 
the communication which I addressed to you in the earlier part 
of the Eisteddfod week; and I must be permitted to observe that 
my decision in this case was as formal as in the case of 'Barddas' 
and the 'Diarebion Cymreig,'of which I acted as one of the judges, 
and no complaint was made that -my verdict, in reference to those 
subjects, was deficient in point of formality. 

I now confirm my former judgment, and must be understood 
to affirm emphatically, 

1. That the essay of Gwrnerth Ergydlym is strictly upon the 
subject, and entitled to compete. 

2. That it is by far the best essay sent to me. 

3. And that the author is fully entitled to the prize of 201. 
and the silver star. 

I remain, Gentlemen, 

Your faithful servant, 
Llangian : December 8, 185K. D. SILVAN EVANS. 



238 MADOC. 

' I hereby certify that the above is a true copy of the adjudica- 
tion sent this day to the honorary secretaries of the Llangollen 
Eisteddfod. Witness my hand this eighth day of December, 
1858. 

'D. SILVAN EVANS.' 

(The prize for ' Barddas' was awarded to one of the Hon. Sees., 
the Rev. John Williams (' Ab Ithel '), who is also a competitor 
for the Madoc prize.) 



INDEX. 



ABBOTT, ' History of the World ' by, 
29 

Abergwili (or Abergele?), Madoc 
sailed from, 28 

Aberpergwm, book of, improperly 
called ' Chronicle of Caradoc,' 
178 ; Stephens's views respecting, 
ib. ; contains no reference to Madoc, 
174 ; its probable date, 178 

Ab Ithel, Rev. John Williams, Madoc 
essay by, 133, 136 

Acusamil, people of, adored the Cross, 
28 

Adair, ' History of American Indians,' 
cited, 141 

Adjudication, Llangollen Eisteddfod, 
236 

Alexander the Great, romance of, 21 

Alexander, Sir J. E., 'L'Acadie,' 
cited, 86 

America, place of Welshmen in his- 
tory of, 2 ; alleged discovery of, by 
Madoc, disputed by Welshmen of 
repute, 3 ; a frequent subject for 
competition at Welsh Eisteddf odau, 
ib. ; English Colonies in, 41 ; said 
to have been discovered by King 
Arthur, 29 ; from Canada to Peru 
claimed as habitation of Madogwys, 
72 ; the name said to be Welsh, 
86 ; ' discovered by the Welsh,' by 
Rev. B.F. Bowen, 87 ; ' Pre-Colum- 
bian Voyages of Welsh to,' by De 
Costa, ib. ; Robertson's history of, 
88, 158, 161, 189, 190, 196 ; hardly 
discoverable by accident, 191 

Americus Vesputius, 27, 34, 86 

4 Amserau,' the, newspaper, John T. 
Roberts's letter in, 119, 235 

Analectic Magazine, the, referred to, 
58 



Archseologia Cambrensis referred to, 
178, 192 

Arctic regions, Indians from, said to 
speak Welsh, 51 

' Ar myr ucha,' alleged original Welsh 
form of ' America,' 85 

Arthur, King, said to have discovered 
America, 29 

Asquaw Indians, Welsh, 62 

' Athenaeum,' the, on voyages to 
America in small vessels, 195 

' Awdyl yr Haiarn Twymyn,' by 
Llywarch Prydydd y Moch, 11 ; its 
relevance first indicated by Mr. 
Humffreys Parry, ib. ; first trans- 
lated in Stephens's ' Literature of 
the Kymry,' ib. 

Aztecs, or Mexican aborigines, ac- 
count of, 157 ; their language had 
no affinity to Welsh, 159 



' BABEL, the Tower of,' by John 

Jones, 80 
Bancroft's History of United States, 

43, 130, 142, 151, 158 
' Bardd, Y,' a Welsh American 

periodical, 156 
Bardic Museum, the, by Edward 

Jones, 20 
- Poems, supposed allusions to 

Madoc in, 8 ; cited in support of 

conflicting theories, 7 ; shown to 

be irrelevant, 200 ; or prove Madoc 

to have been killed in Wales, 210 
Bartlett, John Russell, professed to 

hold documents proving truth of 

Cambrian tradition, 86 
Beatty, Rev. Charles, ' Journal of 

Two Months' Tour ' <fec., 52, 55, 65 
and Duffield, Messrs., 54 



240 



MA DOC. 



' Beirniad, Y,' Stephens 's essay on 
' Triads ' in, 21 

Bell's Geography referred to, 167 

Bennett, Major-General, Morgan 
Jones chaplain to, 45, 129 

Bentley 's Dissertations on 'Phalaris ' 
referred to, 4 

Berkeley, Sir William, Governor of 
Virginia, 129 

Bibles, Indians said to possess MS., 
65 

Binon, Mr., of Coetty, an Indian 
trader, 53 ; Indians told him their 
ancestors came from Wales, ib. ; 
his stay among Welsh Indians, 60 ; 
great purity of Indian Welsh, ib. ; 
Indians showed him MS. book, 65 ; 
and stone with inscription in 
honour of Madoc, 71 

Blathwayte, Secretary of Charles II., 
a Welshman, 137 

Bowen, Emanuel, geographer, ac- 
cepted Madoc tradition, 75 

Rev. B. F., ' America discovered 
by the Welsh,' 87 

Bowles, General, Cherokee chief, 
knew Padoucas or Welsh Indians, 
50,51 

Brechfa, leuan, Triads compiled 
from his book, 21 ; died about 
A.I>. 1500, 22 ; ' Brut,' epitome of 
Welsh History by, ib. ; contains 
no reference to Madoc, ib. ; ' Book 
of Pedigrees ' by, makes no men- 
tion of Madoc's expedition, ib., 
174, 177 ; signs heraldic return 
in 1460, 177 

Bretons, Armorican, gave name to 
Cape Breton, 158 

' Breviary of Britain,' by Humphrey 
Llwyd, 16 

'British Sailor's Discovery,' the, 
34 

' British Remains,' Nicholas Owen's, 
45,48 

Britons of 4th century, alleged naval 
celebrity of, 197 

Broughton cited by Sir Thomas 
Herbert, 34 

Brown, Dr. Thomas, essay on ' Cause 
and Effect,' 4 

Brydones, reputed descendants of 
Britons, 64 ; possessed MSS. 
referring to island ' Brydon,' ib. 

Brynjulfsson, Mr. Gisle, on Madoc's 
presumable knowledge of North- 
men's discovery of Greenland, 192 



' Brython, Y,' 59, 119 

Buache, M., a believer in Madoc 

tradition, 75 
Bunsen's ' Philosophy of History of 

Mankind ' cited, 168 
Burder, Rev. George, 52, 57, 58, 65, 

76, 111 
Burnell, Richard, knew Lewis, who 

saw Welsh Indians among Chick- 

asaws, 55 



CABOTS, the, their discovery of 

America, 41 
Caldwell, Sir John, Welshmen in hia 

company said Pawnees spoke 

Welsh, 71 
' Cambrian Biography,' Owen's, 22, 

72, 79, 104, 177, 179 
' Cambrian Journal,' Ab Ithel's 

Madoc essay in, 133, 136, 175 
' Cambrian ' newspaper, Owen 

Williams's letter in, 123 
' Cambrian Quarterly Magazine,' 84, 

86, 96, 136, 143, 197, 215 
' Cambrian Register,' the, 14, 50, 79, 

103, 105, 109, 164 
1 Cambro-Briton,' the, 11, 14, 17, 

22, 33, 36, 63, 72, 90, 170, 179 
Camden, William, 33 
Campbell, Dr., author of 'Naval 

History,' a believer in Madoc 

story, 76 
Campbell's, Mrs., 'Tales about 

Wales,' 56, 66 
Canada, Governor of, his mission to 

Welsh Indians, 68 
Cape Breton, so named from Breton 

sailors, not Madogwys, 158 
Caradoc of Llancarvan, 21 ; Madoc 

narrative not found in any 

chronicle of his, 172 ; ' Book of 

Aberpergwm ' wrongly called 

chronicle of, 173 
Carmarthen Eisteddfod of 1823, 

Madoc question an open one there- 
at, 4 ; the decision there essentially 

negative, ib., 91; Humffreys Parry 

essay for, 9, 22 
'Carmarthen Journal,' letter of H. 

Phillips in, 124 
' Carnhuanawc ' (Rev. Thomas 

Price), 92, 145, 194, 213 
Carolina, North, settlement of, by 

Sir Wm. Berkeley, 129 
Catlin's 'North American Indians,' 

43, 50, 51, 70, 147, 151 



INDEX. 



241 



4 Cenhadwr, Y,' John T. Boberts's 

letter in, 235 

Chaplin, Captain Abraham, of 
Kentucky, heard Indians speaking 
Welsh to Welshmen, 57, 126 
Charlevoix refers to civilised Indians, 

71, 141 
Cherokee Indians said to use Welsh 

words, 63 
Chickasaws, Welsh Indians seen 

among, 55 
Childs, Mr., his statement respecting 

Morris Griffith, 59 
Chisholm, Mr., said Padouca chief 

possessed MS. Komish missal, 66, 

124 
Christian relics in Mexico, alleged, 

32 
Clarke, General, said Mandans were 

half white, 50, 51 
Clarkson's ' Life of Penn ' cited, 

136 
Cleland, John, writer of ' Letters of 

Turkish Spy,' 135 

Colorado, Bio, alleged Welsh settle- 
ment on, 155 
Columbus, Christopher, 28 ; no 

Welsh MS. record of discovery of 

America before his birth, 178 ; 

striking coincidences between 

Madoc narrative and facts of 

Columbus's voyages, 184 ; sketch 

of his voyages, 186 
Compass, Mariner's, known, but its 

value little understood, in twelfth 

century, 195 
Cortes, 29, 32 ; finds stone cross in 

Mexico, 41 
' Courier ' newspaper, Owen Wil- 

liams's letter in, 123 
Crochan, Col., his letter to Governor 

Dinwiddie, 67 
Cross among American aborigines, 

not necessarily Christian, 102, 164 
' Cylchgrawn Cynmraeg, Y ' (Tre- 

fecca), Dafydd Ddu Eryri'shotein, 

80, 105 
Cymreigyddion Society of London, 

discussions on Madoc question, 82 
Cynddelw, his supposed allusions to 

Madoc, 8 ; first cited by Dr. Owen 

Pughe, ib. ; elegy of family of 

Owain Gwynedd, 8, 211 
Cynwrig ab Gronw, a bard named by 

Sir Thomas Herbert, his works 

lost, 19 ; five persons so named, 

ib, ; ' the learned poems of,' 33 



DABIEN, isthmus of, supposed Celtic 
affinities of words used there, 170 

Davey, John, a Welshman, under- 
stood Indians speaking language 
like Welsh, 51; produced parch- 
ment MSS. obtained from Indians, 
64 

Davies, Captain, of Trefdraeth, 
referred to by Mrs. Campbell, 56 ; 
said Mud Indians spoke Welsh 
and had MS. Welsh Bible, 67 

Dr. John, of Mallwyd, accepted 
Madoc story, 75 

Bev. Jenkin, of Washington, 
letter to ' Seren Gomer,' 123 

- Bev. Mr., of Somersetshire, 
letter from his son in America, 
111 

- Bichard, of Cloddiau Cochion, 
first Welsh Quaker, 45 

Bev. Walter (' Gwallter Me- 
chain '), rejected Madoc story, 
48, 84, 94, 219 

Davydd ab Gwilym, his use of the 

word ' divancoll,' 209 
Davydd Ddu Eryri believed in ex- 
istence of Madogwys, 80, 104 
De Costa's ' Pre-Columbian Voyages 

of the Welsh to America,' 87 
De Tocqueville's opinion of American 

Indians, 144 

'Difancoll,' the word, 208 
Dixon's ' Life of Penn ' cited, 137 
Doeg Indians, Morgan Jones preaches 

in Welsh to, 47 
Dolobran, the Lloyds of, 44 
Drummond, Captain, heard Mexican 

woman singing Erse, 141 
' Drych y Prif Oesoedd,' by Bev. 

Theophilus Evans, 38, 39, 75 
Duffield and Beatty, Levi Hicks told 

them Mississippi Indians spoke 

Welsh, 54 
Du Ponceau on Indian languages, 

143 



EASTERN ARGUS, the, story of Morris 
Griffiths, 59 

Edwards's, Bev. Charles, ' Hanes y 
Ffydd,' accepted Madoc story, 75 

Edwards, Bev. Morgan, of Penn- 
sylvania, believed in existence of 
Welsh Indians, 50 

Eisteddfod, the Carmarthen, 4 ; 
Llangollen, 3 

' Eminent Welshmen,' Williams's, 



R 



242 



MADOC. 



17, 18, 22, 27, 72, 84, 89, 104, 146, 
177-9, 200, 202 

Emrys Wledig, 20 

Enderbie, author of ' Cambria Tri- 
umphans,' accepted affirmative 
view, 75 

Englyn, Cynddelw's, 8 

' Enquiry into Truth of Madog Tradi- 
tion,' by Dr. John Williams, passim 

1 Epistolse Ho-Elianse,' by James 
Howell, 28, 33, 35-7, 75 

' Essay,' the term, implies liberty of 
thought, 4 

' Eurgrawn Cymraeg,' edited by Eev. 
Josiah Eees, 25 

Europeans adopting Indian habits, 
instances of, 113 

Evans, Eev. D. Silvan, his adjudica- 
tion at Llangollen Eisteddfod, 236 

John, his attempts to dis- 
cover Madogwys, 79, 104 ; account 
of his journey, 107, 232 ; letter to 
his brother, 229 ; concluded no 
Welsh Indians in existence, 108 

Eev. Theophilus, ' Drych y 
Prif Oesoedd,' quotes Madoc's 
' Epitaph,' 38 ; his expansion of 
Madoc narrative, 39 ; and belief 
in it, 75 

' Examen Critique de 1'Histoire de 
Geographic,' by Baron Humboldt, 
referred to, 85 



1 FAKTHEB Observations on Discovery 

of America by Madoc,' by Dr. 

John Williams, passim 
Fenton's ' Pembrokeshire ' referred 

to, 122, 177 
Festus Avienus, citation from, refers 

to Scilly Islands, 197 
Filson's ' State of Kentucky,' 43, 56, 

70 

Fox, George, autobiography of, 130 
Froebel's, Julius, ' Seven Years' 

Travel in Central America,' 168 ; 

describes Indians of the Gila and 

Colorado, ib. 



GAFFAREL, M. , on resemblance between 
Irish and the Algonquin language, 
141 

Gafran ab Aeddan, Triad as to dis- 
appearance of, 20, 221 

' Geirgrawn Cymraeg ' (Holywell), 
Eev. Morgan J. Eees's letter in, 106 



' Gentleman's Magazine,' 43, 45, 48, 

60, 63-67, 71, 122 
Gibson, Mr., on civilisation of Welsh 

Indians, 71, 124 
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 24 
' Gilbert's Voyages,' 34 
Giraldus Cambrensis, Hoare's edition 

of, referred to, 16, 199 ; visited 

North Wales, but apparently 

ignorant of Madoc story, 210 
Glanygors, John Jones of, allusion 

to Madoc in song by, 83 
Glass house in mediaeval romances, 

21 ; in Triad probably means 

Glastonbury Abbey, 21 
' Gododin,' the, shows Britons had 

navy in seventh century, 198 ; 

Stephens's work on, 220 
' Goleuad Cymru,' J. T. Boberts's 

letter in, 115 

Gorddwr, the, its situation, 15 
' Greal, neu Eurgrawn ' (Carnarvon), 

51, 54, 59, 63, 65, 80, 107 
' Greal, Y ' (London), 54, 59, 63, 65, 

80, 112, 136 
Griffiths, Morris, conversed with 

Welsh-speaking white Indians on 

the Missouri, 59 
- Thomas, owner of ' Book of 

Basingwerk,' 26 

Grotius, on affinity of North Ameri- 
can to Germanic languages, 141 
Growth of the Madoc legend, 216 
Guttyn Owen, 23, 24, 26, 180 
Gwalchmai, contemporary of Owain 

Gwynedd and his sons, 16 ; poem 

to Prince David, son and successor 

of Owen, 16 ; supposed allusions 

to Madoc therein, 16, 39, 198; 

translation of, 17 ; his testimonies 

irrelevant, 201 
1 Gwennan Gorn,' the ship of Madoc, 

207 
' Gwerddonau Llion,' search for, by 

Gafran ab Aeddan, 20 
' Gwyliedydd, Y,' 136 
Gwyn, Howel, James Howel's letter 

to, with Madoc's epitaph, 37 
Gwyneddigion Society of London, 

discussions on Madoc question, 82 



HACKETT'S collection of epitaphs, 38 

Hakluyt's ' Voyages,' 29 ; his account 

a mere repetition of Llwyd and 

Powel, 30, 33, 44; says Madoo 

made three voyages, 75 



INDEX. 



243 



' Hanes Cymru,' by Eev. T. Price 
(' Carnhuanawc '), summarises 
Madoc story, but declares proofs 
insufficient, 93, 145, 194, 213 

Harris, Dr., the naval historian, 34 

Hatteras Indians (Morgan Jones's 
Doegs), descendants of Ealeigh's, 
not Madoc's, followers, 139 

Hawkins, Sir John, 34, 51 

Hengwrt MS., 414 ; a ' Book of Pedi- 
grees,' by leuan Brechfa, makes 
no mention of Madoc's expedition, 
22 

MSS. referred to, 207, 218 
Henry II., Lord Lyttelton's History 

of, 87 

Herbert's, Sir Thomas, ' Travels,' 
17, 28, 30, 35, 75, 179 

Hicks, Levi, said Indians on Missis- 
sippi talked Welsh, 54 

Historical testimonies as to Madoc, 
20 

Hornius referred to, 42 

Howel ab Owen, Madoc's brother, 
supposed reference to' Madoc in 
verses by, 20 

Howell, James, his ' Epistolae Ho- 
Elianse,' 28, 33 ; account of, 35 ; 
Welsh epitaph on Madoc's tomb- 
stone in Mexico ! 35 ; letter to 
Earl Kivers, 36 ; letter to Howel 
Gwyn, giving Madoc's epitaph, 37, 
75 

Howells, Reynold, his letter to Mr. 
Miles, ' Welsh Indians found out 
on west side of Mississippi,' 111 

Hu Gadarn, or ' Hugun le Fort,' 
Charlemagne's visit to, 221 

Hughes, Jack, interpreter to Welsh 
Indians on the Ohio, 58, 124 

Rev. E., of Bodfari, reference to 
Madoc in poem by, 92 

Humboldt, Baron, desired inquiry 
into Madoc story, 85; 'Travels,' 
141, 152, 164, 167 ; ' History of 
Geography of New World,' 174 

Hume's' History of England ' referred 
to, 122 

Humffreys Parry, J., 9, 11, 12, 22, 
33, 36, 90, 180, 201, 212 

Humphreys, Oliver, said Florida 
Indians spoke 'perfect Welsh,' 44, 
58 

' IFORYDD, YB,' 59 

Indian languages, 125 ; said to re- 
semble Hebrew, Scandinavian, 



Welsh, Irish (Erse), and Gaelic 
languages, 141 ; classification and 
characteristics of, 142 
Indian skulls, Mongolian, not Cauca- 
sian, 151 

traditions, 51 

tribes, names of, said to involve 
name of Madoc, 43 

' Indian Tribes, History of,' by Mac- 
kenny and Hall, 145 

Indians, American, supposed de- 
scendants of lost tribes of Israel, 
136, 140 ; Mongolian origin of, 
169 ; said to possess MSS. and 
Bibles, 63, 65, 125 

Ingram, David, 24; his 'Relation,' 
the earliest authority for Indian 
Welsh, 34, 44 

lolo MSS., the, poems by Meredydd 
ab Rhys, 18, 206 

lolo Morganwg, 25, 31, 33, 43, 60, 
71, 77, 177 

Ireland, emigration from Wales to, 
in twelfth century, 198 



JAHN'S ' Hebrew Commonwealth ' 

cited, 141 
James, Rev. Thomas (' Llallawg '), 

one of the judges of this essay, 87 
' J. J.' (Cheapside), his reasons for 

believing in existence of Welsh 

Indians, 66 
Jocelyne's (or Josselyn), Captain, 

' History of Virginia,' 133 ; other 

works of, 135 
Johnes' ' Philological Proofs, &c.,' 

143, 149, 158 

Johnson's, Dr. Samuel, Latin ver- 
sion of Madoc's 'Epitaph,' 37 
Jones, Captain Dan, Mormonite, 

155, 168 

Edward, 'Bardic Museum,' 29 

John, ' The Tower of Babel,' by, 
80 

- John, LL.D., an opponent of 
claims of Madoc, 9 ; account of, 
88 ; article in ' Monthly Magazine ' 
ridiculing Madoc story, 14, 88; 
' History of Wales ' by, 180 

- John (Glanygors), allusion to 
Madoc in song by, 83 

John Solomon, his speech on 
affirmative side, 82 

Morgan, of Maes Aleg, 45 ; his 
narrative, 46 ; preaches in Welsh 
to Indians (Doegs), 47 



244 



MA DOC. 



Jones, Rev. John Emlyn, M.A., editor 
of ' Hanes Prydain Fawr,' held evi- 
dence for Madoc story insufficient, 
99 

Rev. Morgan, of Hammersmith, 
believed in existence of Welsh 
Indians, 50 

Rev. Morgan, of Pennsylvania, 
his friend visited by Welsh- 
speaking Indians, 57 
- Rev. Samuel, of Pennsylvania, 
resolved to visit Welsh Indians, 
50 ; his letter to Thomas Evans, 
103, 231 

Joseph, an Indian interpreter, knew 
Welsh-speaking Indians, 54 



KANE, PAUL, 'Wanderings among 

Indians ' &c., says no oaths in 

Indian languages, 122 
' Kentucky,' Filson's ' State of,' 43, 

56 
Palladium,' story of Morris 

Griffiths in, 59 
Roman coins said to be found in, 

126 
Kohl, J. G., ' History of Discovery 

of America,' favours the Madoc 

story, 86 
Kymry, the, as sailors, 196 ; Gi- 

raldus's negative testimony, 199 



' L'AcAniE,' by Sir J. E. Alexander, 

referred to. 86 
La Houtan, Baron, on civilised 

Indians, 71 

Legend, the Madoc, growth of, 216 
Lewis, a captive Welshman, Indians 

spoke Welsh to, 55 

Rev. George, D.D., urged Cymreig- 
yddion to send missionaries to 
Madogwys, 89 

- Captain, and Captain Clarke, 
their ascent of the Missouri, 109 ; 
found no trace of Welsh Indians, 
113 

Sir G. Cornewall, referred 
to, 4 

Lhuyd, Edward, 48 
Literature of the Kymry,' Ste- 

phens's, 11, 21, 30, 96 
Llangollen Eisteddfod Committee, 

3 ; Rev. D. Silvan Evans's adjudi 

cation at, 230 



Lloyd, Charles, letter of, 44, 53, 227 

Thomas, of Dolobran, 44 ; Gover- 
nor of Pennsylvania, 45 

Llwyd, Humphrey, his ' Breviary of 
Britain,' 16, 43; his Welsh His- 
tory written A.D. 1559 ; extended 
and published in 1584 by Dr. 
Powel, 26 ; his account of Madoc, 
27 ; says ' Morwerydd ' was ' Mare 
Hibernicum,' 176 ; must have 
seen Lopez de Gomara's work, 
published in 1554 ; wrote his own 
work in 1559 ; the earliest written 
assertion of Madoc's discovery, 
184 

Llywarch ab Llywelyn (' Prydydd y 
Moch '), 8 ; his ' Ode to the Hot 
Iron,' 11, 210; poem to Rodri ab 
Owain Gwynedd, 12 ; Owen's 
(Pughe) translation thereof, 13 ; 
Parry's translation, ib. ; his verses 
shown to be irrelevant, ib. ; poem 
to Llywelyn ab lorwerth, 14 ; 
misrepresented by Owen (Pughe), 
ib. ; the'Madoc referred to therein 
was Madoc ab Meredydd, Prince 
of Powys, 202 

' London Volunteer,' the, 59. 

Long, Major, his ' Expedition to 
Rocky Mountains ; ' found no evi- 
dence of existence of Welsh 
Indians, 115 

Lopez de Gomara, Francis, 28, 32 ; 
his ' Cronica de Nova Espafia,' 
published at Antwerp 1554, pro- 
bably known to Humphrey Llwyd, 
184 

Lyttelton, Lord, the first avowed 
opponent of the Cambrian tradi- 
tion, 87, 194 



MACKENNY and Hall's ' History of 
Indian Tribes,' 145 

Madoc, alleged discovery of America 
by, a frequent subject for com- 
petition at Eisteddfodau, 3, 4 ; but 
disputed by Welshmen of repute, 
3 ; supposed contemporary bardic 
testimonies to, 8-17 ; not an 
uncommon name among Kymry 
in twelfth century, 12 ; Triad re- 
specting disappearance of, 20 ; and 
his brother Rhiryd said to have 
crossed ' Morwerydd ' (Irish Sea), 
23; landed in Nova Hispania, or 
Florida, according to Humphrey 



INDEX. 



245 



Llwyd, 27 ; in Mexico, according 
to Powel, 28 ; narrative, striking 
coincidences of, with leading facts 
of Columbus's voyages, 185 ; story 
of his ship, 207 ; probably killed 
in Wales, 210 ; situation of his 
residence, 214 ; legend, growth of, 
216 ; should be placed among 
' Mabinogion,' 225 ; analogous 
legends among other peoples, 220 ; 
and. in Wales itself, 221 

Madoc ab Meredydd, the real subject 
of verse of Prydydd y Moch, 202 ; 
built church at Meifod, 202 

Madoc's tombstone, with Welsh in- 
scription, found in Mexico, 35, 37, 
75 ; reputed partiality for sea- 
faring life, 205 

Magellan referred to, 34 

Mallet's ' Northern Antiquities,' re- 
ference in, to Northmen's discovery 
of Greenland, 196 

' Manco Capac ' and ' Mamma Ocello,' 
42 

Mandan words compared with Welsh, 
148 ; their alleged resemblances 
found illusory, 150 

Mandans identified with Madogwys 
by Catlin, 70 

Mariner's compass known in 12th 
century, but its value little under- 
stood, 196 

' Maritime Discovery, History of,' 
103, 186, 196 

Marriott, John, referred to, 29 

Martyr, Peter, ' Decades ' of, 42 

' Matec Zunga ' and ' Mat Ingam,' 42 

Mather's, Dr. Cotton, ' Magnalia 
Christ! Americana,' 76 ; a believer 
in Madoc tradition, ib. 

' Mawddwy, Gwylliaid,' 178 

Meifod, Madoc ab Meredydd built 
church at, 202 

Merddin, bard of Emrys Wledig, 
went to sea in glass house, 21 ; and 
his nine bards, possibly monks of 
Glastonbury, 21 

Meredydd ab Rhys, two poems by, 
18 ; imply a Madoc tradition, 19, 
33 ; proved Madoc to have loved 
a seafaring life, but nothing more, 
207 

Mexican peoples, classification and 
characteristics of, 153 ; and 
language, account of, 157 ; 
language certainly not Welsh, 160 

Mexicans, origin of, 165 



Mexico, Madoc said to have landed 

in, 28 ; British words alleged to be 

used in, 29 ; Prescott's ' History 

of Conquest cf,' 41, 159, 102 ; 

Button's ' Adventures in,' 50, 71, 

72 ; Wilson's ' New History of 

Conquest of,' 152, 165 
Milford, Madoc said to have sailed 

from, 28 
Mississippi, a nation beyond the, 

said to speak Welsh, 57 
' Missouri, Travels to Sources of,' by 

Captains Lewis and Clarke, 109 ; 

no trace of Welsh Indians found 

on, 118 
Montezuma, 29 ; his speech to 

Mexicans, 32, 51 ; his last descen- 
dant, 52, 161 
' Monthly Magazine,' Dr. John Jones' 

letter in, 88, 198, 200 
' Monumenta Historica Britannica ' 

referred to, 26 
Moquis, the last stay of Welsh 

Indian tradition, 155 ; believed by 

Mormons to be descended from 

Madoc's followers, ib. ; said by 

Barney Ward to speak Welsh, 

155 
Moravian missionaries heard of 

Welsh Indians, 50 
Morgan, Maurice, Under-Secretary 

of State, his copy of Colonel Cro- 

chau's letter, 67 ; account of, 121 
Rev. R. W., ' The British Kymry ' 

by, 40 ; a believer in Mados 

story, 85, 160 
' Morgante Maggiore,' the, of Pulci, 

cited, 193 

Morris Griffiths, story of, 59 
Morris, Roger, his story of the ' Ship 

of Madoc,' 207 
Morus, Huw, reference to Madoc in 

poem by, 214 
Morwerydd anciently meant the 

Irish Sea, 175 ; authorities for 

this statement, 176 
Mud Indians said to speak Welsh, 

56 ; to possess MS. Welsh Bible, 

67 

Myvyrian Archaiology of Wales, 
passim 



NASH'S, D. W., ' Taliesin ' referred 

to, 4 
Navigation in Wales in the twelfth 

century, state of, 194 



246 



MADOC. 



Nennius mentions ' Tower of GlasB,' 

21 
Nicholson, Bishop, referred to, 43, 

141 
Nicholson's ' Journal of Natural 

Philosophy,' story of Morris 

Griffiths in, 59 
Northmen, discovery of Greenland 

by, 196 ; History of, by Wheaton, 

196 
1 Notes and Queries ' referred to, 80, 

87, 136, 165, 166, 170 



ORB'S ' Circle of the Sciences ' referred 

to, 168 
Owen, Aneurin, his edition of Welsh 

Chronicles, 26 

Baron, murdered by Gwylliaid 
Mawddwy,' A.D. 1555, 178 

Mr. Edward, his ' Madoc ' Essay 
in ' The Bed Dragon,' 23 

Guttyn, most important wit- 
ness in this case, 23 ; supposed 
authority for Humphrey Llwyd's 
statements, 23 ; really authority 
for ' ten ships ' only, 24 ; his 
Chronicle (Book of Basingwerk) 
still extant, but contains no refer- 
ence to Madoc, 26 ; account of, 
179 ; named in Henry VII.'s 
Pedigree Commission, 180 ; criti- 
cal examination of statements 
ascribed to, 180 

Gwynedd, Prince of North Wales, 
father of Madoc, 8 ; Cynddelw's 
Elegy of, 8 ; died A.D. 1169, 10 

Nicholas, his ' British Remains,' 
45, 48, 53, 58, 76 

William (Pughe), his transla- 
tions of bardic poems, 8, 9, 13, 14, 
43 ; a firm believer in Madoc story, 
78 ; ' Cambrian Biography ' by, 17, 
22 ; ' Cambrian Biography ' cites 
' Book of Pedigrees ' by leuan 
Brechfa, 22 ; letters in ' Gentle- 
man's Magazine,' 43 ; articles in 
' Cambrian Register,' 79, 103 



PADOTJCAS believed to be Welsh In- 
dians, 49 ; said to possess sacred 
books, 64 ; proved to have no re- 
semblance to Welsh, 80, 140 

Paget's ' Christianography ' referred 
0.29 



Pantigo river, abode of Morgan 
Jones's Welsh Indians (Doegs), 48 
Parry, J. Humffreys, 9 ; his essay 
for Carmarthen Eisteddfod, 22 ; 
cites leuan Brechfa'a ' Book of 
Pedigrees,' 22, 33, 36 ; replies to 
Dr. John Jones, 90 ; his conclu- 
sions, 91, 180, 201, 212 
Pawnees, white, known to Mr. Pond, 
50 ; called ' white ' and ' Welsh ' 
Indians, 71; considerably civilised, 
71 

Peckham, Sir George, pamphlet by, 
23 ; the first printed reference to 
Madoc story, 23, 24 
' Pedigrees, Book of,' by leuan 
Brechfa, Hengwrt MS. of, contains 
no reference to Madoc, 22 
' Penguin,' the bird so called has 

black head, 158 

Penn, William, founder of Pennsyl- 
vania, 41 ; alleged address to South 
Wales Quakers, 136 
Pennant, Thomas, rejected the Madoc 
claim, 94; says penguins have black 
heads, 158 ; ' Tours in Wales,' 179 
' Penny Cyclopffidia,' art. ' America,' 

cited, 109 
Perry and Roberts's unsuccessful 

search for Welsh Indians, 115 
Phillips, Miles, a fellow-sailor of 

David Ingram, 34 

' Philosophical Transactions,' Pen- 
nant's account of ' penguins ' in, 
158 
Pickering, ' On the Races of Man,' 

cited, 151, 168 

Plott, Dr., reads Morgan Jones's 

narrative before Royal Society, 48 

Pocahontas and Captain John Smith, 

132 

' Poems, Lyric and Pastoral,' by 
Edward Williams (' lolo Mor- 
ganwg '), 31, 33, 77, 177 
Pond, Mr., knew white Pawnees, 

50 

Postellus cited by Sir Thomas Her- 
bert, 32 
Powel, Dr. David, his ' Historie of 

Cambria ' cited, 23, 28, 182, 187 
1 Powysion, Y,' Rev. E. Hughes's 

poem in, 92 
Prescott's ' History of Conquest of 

Mexico ' cited, 41, 159, 162 
Price, Thomas, of Llanfyllin, 44 
Rev. Thomas (' Carnhuanawc '), 
considered Madoc story not proved, 



INDEX. 



247 



92, 145 ; ' Hanes Cymru ' by, 93, 

145, 194, 213 
Price, Mr., his father said to have 

conversed in Welsh with Padoucas, 

57 
Prichard, William, of Philadelphia, 

believed in existence of Welsh 

Indians, 50 
Prichard's ' Eastern Origin of Celtic 

Nations ' cited, 142, 168 
'Prydydd y Moch,' Llywarch, 'Ode 

to the Hot Iron,' 11 ; poem to Rodri 

ab Owen Gwynedd, 12 ; irrelevant 

to this subject, 201 
' Public Advertiser,' the, 37, 51, 64, 

161 

Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, 156 
Pughe, Dr. William Owen (see Owen, 

William) 
Purchas's ' Pilgrimages ' cited, 29 



RALEIGH'S, Sir Walter, ' History of 
the World,' 29 

Rankin, Rev. Mr., of Kentucky, be- 
lieved in existence of Welsh In- 
dians, 50, 70 

' Red Dragon,' the, Mr. Edward 
Owen's ' Madoc ' essay in, 23 

Rees, Rev. Josiah, his magazine, 
' Eurgrawn Cyrnraeg,' 25 ; Welsh 
chronicle inserted therein makes 
no mention of Madoc, ib. 

Rev. Morgan, had heard of Welsh 
Indians, 50, 70; his letters, 79, 
106 

' Revue Celtique ' referred to, 141 
Rhiryd and his brother Madoc, alleged 
discovery of western lands by, 22 ; 
across the Atlantic, 23 
Richards, a South-Walian, saw In- 
dians who spoke North-Wales 
Welsh, 123 

Dr., of Lynn, mentions purity of 
Indian Welsh, 63 ; a firm believer 
in Madoc story, 78 ; published the 
evidences in ' Gentleman's Maga- 
zine,' ib. 

Rev. W., ' Memoirs ' of, cited, 
111 

Rimington, Mr., spoke of white In- 
dians on Mississippi and Ohio, 
50, 58, 124 

Rivers, Earl, James Howell's letter 
to, 36 

Roanoke, prominent in Morgan 
Jones's story, 137 ; also in Capt. 



John Smith's, ib. ; fortunes of 
settlers of, 138 

Roberts, John T., of Rosa Vawr, 63 ; 
his fruitless search for Welsh In- 
dians, 115 ; his last letter, 234 

Lieut. Joseph, Indian chief said 
to have spoken Welsh to him, 54 ; 
his letter, 61 ; superiority of In- 
dian's Welsh, 62 

Thomas (Llwynrhudol), locates 
Welsh Indians on the Missouri, 
65 ; ' Father of the Madogwys,' 
83 

Robertson, the historian of America, 
assailed the Cambrian tradition, 
88, 158, 161, 189, 190, 196 

Rodri ab Owain Gwynedd, 203 

Roman coins said to be found in 
Kentucky, 126 

Ruxton, Lieut., his ' Adventures in 
Mexico and Rocky Mountains,' 50 ; 
found albinoes among Pueblo and 
Navajo Indians, 50, 71 ; identified 
Moquis with Madogwys, 72, 154, 
167 



SACRED books, alleged possession of, 
by Indians, 63 

Salt Lake, the Great, white or Welsh 
Indians said to be found to S.W. 
of, 119 

'Saturday Review,' the, on 'Re- 
searches of M. Stanislaus Julien,' 
168 ; on Von Tschudi, 169 

Sayle, William, Governor of Oyster 
Point Settlement, 129 

Seneca's ' Medea ' quoted by Sir 
Thomas Herbert, 192 

' Seren Gomer,' Joseph Roberts's 
letter in, 63 ; letter signed ' Be- 
geryr,' the first Welsh utterance 
on negative side, 82; other articles, 
83, 84, 114, 115, 119, 123, 126 

' Ship of Madoc,' traditional tale of 
the, 207 

Sidney, Sir Henry, possessed Hum- 
phrey Llwyd's MS., 26 
- Sir Philip, indenture between 
him and Sir George Peckham, 
24 

Smith, Captain John ('Father of Vir- 
ginia'), story of Pocahontas, the 
foundation of Morgan Jones's 
tale, 132 

J. Toulmin, 'Discovery of America 
by Northmen ' cited, 86, 196 



248 



MADOC. 



Southey, Robert, his epic ' Madoc,' 
21, 81 ; song, ' Where are the sons 
of Gavran ? ' 21 

(Spaniards' II received from Welsh 
through Mexicans, 43 

' Spy, Turkish,' the, letters of, 9, 38 

Stedman, a native of Breconshire, 
met Indians ' from Gwynedd in 
Prydain Fawr,' 44, 53 

Stephens's ' Literature of the Kymry,' 
11, 21, 30, 96, 192; ' Essay on the 
Triads,' 21 ; on ' Position of Welsh 
in Civilisation,' 97 ; work on ' The 
Gododin,' 220 ; on ' Book of Aber- 
pergwm,' 178 

Stewart, Captain, referred to, 51 

Stoddart's, Colonel, ' History of 
Western Parts of America,' 117 

Sutton, Benjamin, on Delaware 
customs, 53 ; saw Welsh-speaking 
Indians west of Mississippi, 54, 
who possessed Bible, 65, 124 

Symonds's ' Life of Maurice Morgan ' 
referred to, 122 



TAL Y MOELFRE, battle of, 198 
Thomas's, Eev. Joshua, ' Hanes y 

Bedyddwyr ' cited, 111 
Tombstone of Madoc, alleged, in 

Mexico, 35, 37, 75 
Toulmin, Henry, wrote story of 

Morris Griffiths from Mr. Child's 

narration, 59 
' Traethodydd, Y,' Stephens's Essays 

in, 2, 98 
Travellers' tales respecting Welsh 

Indians, 41 
Triad, the, ' Three Vanished Losses 

of Isle of Britain,' 20 ; third series 

of Triads composed in sixteenth 

century, 21, 207 

1 Turkish Spy,' letters of, 38, 133 
Tuscaroras said to have spoken 

Welsh, 134 



UDOORN SEION,' Welsh Mormonite 
magazine, Captain Dan Jones's 
letter in, 156, 168 



VESPUTITJS AMEKICDS, 27 

Virginia, alleged traces of Welsh in, 
44 ; ' Generall Historie of,' by 
Captain John Smith, 132 ; ' His- 
tory of,' by Jocelyne, 133 



Virginians and Guatemalians said to 
worship Madoc, 42 

Von Tschudi on American abori- 
gines, 169 

Voyages to and from America in 
small vessels, 196 



WAFER'S ' Description of Isthmus of 
America,' 170 ; words used in 
Darien akin to Celtic, ib. 

Walsingham, Sir Francis, Ingram'a 
' Relation ' made to, 24, 34 

Ward, Barney, told Captain Dan 
Jones that Moquis spoke Welsh, 
155 

Warrington's, Rev. W., ' History of 
Wales,' accepted Madoc tradition 
with reserve, 81, 108 

Welsh Indians identified with Doegs, 
Delawares, Tuscaroras, Padoucas, 
Pawnees, and another tribe, un- 
named, 49 ; with Matocantes, Mac- 
totatas, and Kansez, 71 ; Mud In- 
dians, Asquaws, Hietans, Aliatans, 
Cherokees, Moquis, and Mandans, 
72 ; their astonishing civilisation, 
71 ; said to exist S.E. of Great 
Salt Lake, 119 ; there never were 
any, 171 

Welsh-speaking Indians, belief in, 
54 

Welsh words used in Mexico, 29, 
33,43 

West, Joseph, his settlement at 
Oyster Point, 129 

Wheaton's ' History of the North- 
men ' referred to, 196 

' White ' or ' Welsh ' Indians be- 
lieved convertible terms, 50, 71 

Williams, Edward (' lolo Mor- 
ganwg '), 25, 31, 33, 43 ; his con-, 
versation with Mr. Binon, 60, 71 ; 
locates Welsh Indians on Missis- 
sippi, 77 ; his verses on Madoc, 77 
- Griffith, letter respecting Mr. 
Chisholm, 66 

John, ' Natural History of Mineral 
Kingdom ' cited, 43 

Rev. John (' Ab Ithel '), his essay 
on Madoc question, 133, 136 ; 
query lolo Morganwg, author of 
essay, 175 

Dr. John, of Sydenham, his ' En- 
quiry ' and ' Farther Observations 
on Discovery by Madoc,' passim 

Owen, letter in ' Courier ' news- 



INDEX. 



249 



paper, 123 ; a concoction by Dr. 
John Jones, 124 
Williams, Bev. Peter Bayley, 17 

Eev. Eobert, ' Eminent Welsh- 
men,' 17, 18, 22, 27, 72, 84, 89, 
104, 146 

Dr. Eowland, his verses on Ma- 
doc, 85 ; reference to sermon by, 
102 

- William, of Philadelphia, letter 
from, said ' Welsh Indians live at 
sources of Missouri,' 112 

Willin, Mr., a Quaker, his statement 
to Burnell, 55 ; his son Cradog's 
superior knowledge of Welsh 
Indians, ib. 

Wilson's ' New History of Conquest 
of Mexico ' cited, 152, 165 



Wolf's ' Prolegomena ad Homerum ' 

referred to, 4 
Woodward's, B. B., ' History of 

Wales,' 14, 23, 25, 27, 64, 72, 98, 

165 
' Words and Places,' Taylor's, cited, 

28 
Wynne's, Sir John, ' History of the 

Gwedir Family,' 202, 204, 215 



YEAMANS, SIB JOHN, his settlement 

south of Cape Fear, 129 
' Ymofynydd, Yr,' 59, 119 
Ynys Hir, near Portmadoc, Madoc 

said to have sailed from, 28 
Young, Brigham, his statements to 

Captain Dan Jones, 155 



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A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE 



DUBLIN UNIVERSITY PRESS 
SERIES (THB>e0tt*ttwf. 

GOETHE'S FAUST, Translation and 
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THE VEIL OF ISIS : a Series of Essays 
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THE GROWTH OF THE HOMERIC 
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EPOCHS OF ANCIENT HISTORY. 
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The Athenian Empire from the Flight of 
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con tinned. 

Edward the Third. By the Rev. W. 

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Peterborough. With 5 Maps and 4 
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The First Two Stuarts and the Puritan 
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The English Restoration and Louis 
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' EDWARD HALE, M.A. With n Maps 

and Plans. 
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M.A. With 7 Maps and Plans. 
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The Early Hanoverians. By E. E. 

MORRIS, M.A. With 9 Maps and Plans. 
Frederick the Great and the Seven 

Years' War. By F. W. LONGMAN. 

With 2 Maps. 

The War of American Independence, 1775- 
1783. By J. M. LUDLOW. With 4 Maps. 

The French Revolution, 1789-1795. By 
Mrs. S. R. GARDINER. With 7 Maps. 

The Epoch of Reform, 1830-1850. By 
JUSTIN MCCARTHY, M.P. 



EPOCHS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 

Edited by the Right Rev. MANDELL 
CREIGHTON, D.D., Bishop of Peter- 
borough. Fcp. 8vo. 25. 6d. each. 
The English Church in other Lands. 
By the Rev. H. W. TUCKER. 

The History of the Reformation in Eng- 
land. By the Rev. GEORGE G. PERRY. 

A History of the University of Oxford. 
By the Hon. G. C. BRODRICK. 

A History of the University of Cam- 
bridge. By J. BASS MULUNGER, M.A. 

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The Church and the Puritans (1570-1660). 
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The Evangelical Revival in the Eigh- 
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OVERTON. 

The Church and the Eastern Empire- 
By the Rev. H. F. TOZER. 

Hildebrand and his Times. By the Rev. 
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The English Church in the Middle Ages. 

By the Rev. W. HUNT, M.A. 
The Popes and the Hohenstaufen. By 

UGO BALZANI. 

The Arian Controversy. By H. M. 

GWATKIN, M.A. 

The Counter-Reformation. By A. W. 
WARD. 

Wycliffe and Early Movements of Re- 
form. By REGINALD L. POOLE, M.A. 

EPOCHS OF AMERICAN HISTORY. 
Edited by Dr. ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, 
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The Colonies (1492-1750). By REUBEN 
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Complete in One Volume, with 27 Tables 
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EWALD (Heinrich). 

THE ANTIQUITIES OF ISRAEL. 

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SOLLY, M.A. 8vo. i2s. 6d. 
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2is. Vol. V. 185. Vol. VI. i6s. Vol. 

VII. 2is. Vol. VIII., with Index to the 

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FALKENER (Edward). 

GAMES, ANCIENT AND ORIENTAL, 
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Latrunculorum of the Romans, and the 
Oriental Games of Chess, Draughts, 
Backgammon and Magic Squares. With 
numerous Photographs, Diagrams, &c. 
8vo. 2 is. 

FARNELL (George S., M.A.). 

GREEK LYRIC POETRY : a Complete 
Collection of the Surviving Passages from 
the Greek Song- Writers. Arranged with 
Prefatory Articles, Introductory Matter 
and Commentary. With 5 Plates. 8vo. 
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FARRAR (Archdeacon). 
DARKNESS AND DAWN: or, Scenes 

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LANGUAGE AND LANGUAGES. A 

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Bart). 

HORSES AND STABLES. With 19 
pages of Illustrations. 8vo. 55. 

FORD (Horace). 

THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF 
ARCHERY. New Edition, thoroughly 
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M.A. With a Preface by C. J. LONGMAN, 
M.A., F.S.A. 8vo. 145. 

FOUARD (Abbe Constant). 

THE CHRIST THE SON OF GOD: 
a Life of our Lord and Saviour Jesus 
Christ. With an Introduction by Cardinal 
MANNING. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo. 145. 
ST. PETER AND THE FIRST YEARS 
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FOX (Charles James). 

THE EARLY HISTORY OF CHARLES 
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A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE 



FRANCIS (Francis). 
A BOOK ON ANGLING : or, Treatise 
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FREEMAN (Edward A.). 

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF 
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FROUDE (James A., Regius Professor of 

Modern History in the University of 

Oxford). 
THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND, from 

the Fall of Wolsey to the Defeat of the 

Spanish Armada. 12 vols. Cr. 8vo. 

35. 6d. each. 
THE DIVORCE OF CATHERINE OF 

ARAGON : the Story as told by the 

Imperial Ambassadors resident at the 

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8vo. i6s. 
THE SPANISH STORY OF THE 

ARMADA, and other Essays, Historical 

and Descriptive. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 
SHORT STUDIES ON GREAT SUB- 
JECTS. Cabinet Edition. 4 vols. Cr. 

8vo. 245. Cheap Edition. 4 vols. Cr. 

8vo. 35. 6d. each. 

CMSAR : a Sketch. Cr. 8vo. 35. 6rf. 
THE ENGLISH IN IRELAND IN 

THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 3 

vols. Cr. 8vo. i8s. 
OCEAN A : or, England and her Colonies. 

With 9 Illustrations. Cr. 8vo. 2s. boards, 

2s. 6d. cloth. 
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INDIES : or, the Bow of Ulysses. With 
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cloth. 

THE TWO CHIEFS OF DUN BOY : 
an Irish Romance of the Last Century. 
Cr. 8vo. 35. 6d. 

THOMAS CARLYLE, a History of his 
Life. 1795101835. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo. 75. 
1834 to 1881. 2 vols. Cr. 8vo. ys. 

GALLWEY (Sir Ralph Payne-, Bart.)- 
LETTERS TO YOUNG SHOOTERS. 
(First Series.) On the Choice and Use 
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75. 6d. 

LETTERS TO YOUNG SHOOTERS. 
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GARDINER (Samuel Rawson, Fellow of 

All Souls College, Oxford). 
HISTORY OF ENGLAND, from the. 
Accession of James I. to the Outbreak of 
the Civil War, 1603-1642. 10 vols. Cr. 
8vo. price 6s. each. 

THE STUDENTS HISTORY OF 
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378 Illustrations. Cr. 8vo. I2s. 

Vol. I. B.C. 55 A.D. 1509. With 173 

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Vol. II. 1509-1689. With 96 Illustra- 
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Vol. III. 1689-1885. With 109 Illustra- 
tions. Cr. 8vo. 45. 

A SCHOOL ATLAS OF ENGLISH 
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GOETHE. 

FAUST. A New Translation chiefly in 
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Notes. By JAMES ADEY BIRDS. Cr. 
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FAUST. The Second Part. A New 
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GREEN (Thomas Hill). 

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THE WITNESS OF GOD AND FAITH: 
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GREVILLE (C. C. F.). 
A JOURNAL OF THE REIGNS OF 
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GWILT (Joseph, F.S.A.). 
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HAGGARD (Ella). 

LIFE AND ITS AUTHOR: an Essay 
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HAGGARD (H. Rider). 

SHE. With 32 Illustrations by M. GREIF- 
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35. 6d. 

ALLAN QUATERMAIN. With 31 Illus- 
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OUTLINES OF THE LIFE OF SHAKE- 
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HARRISON (Jane E.). 
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HARRISON (Mary). 
COOKERY FOR BUSY LIVES AND 
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IN THE CARQUINEZ WOODS. Fcp. 
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HULLAH (John). 

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HUME (David). 

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565. Or separately, Essays. 2 vols. 285. 
Treatise of Human Nature. 2 vols. 28s. 

HUTH (Alfred H.). 

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HYNE (C. J. Cutcliffe). 

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INGELOW (Jean). 
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I2S. 

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JAMESON (Mrs.). 

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[Continued on next page. 



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KANT (Immanuel) continued. 
INTRODUCTION TO LOGIC, AND 
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MARBOT (Baron de). 

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[Continued on next page. 



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MEADE (L. T.). 
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MENDELSSOHN (Felix). 

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MERIVALE (The Very Rev. Chas., Dean 
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ING, &-c. Illustrated. Cr. 8vo. 55. 

STORIES OF THE SAINTS FOR 
CHILDREN : the Black Letter Saints. 
Illustrated. Royal i6mo. 5$. 

MOORE (Edward, D.D., Principal of St. 

Edmund Hall, Oxford). 
DANTE AND HIS EARLY BIOGRA- 
PHERS. Cr. 8vo. 7s. 6d. 

MULHALL (Michael G.). 
HISTORY OF PRICES SINCE THE 
YEAR 1850. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 



NANSEN (Dr. Fridtjof). 

THE FIRST CROSSING OF GREEN- 
LAND. 

Abridged Edition. With numerous Illus- 
trations and a Map. Cr. 8vo. 75. 6d. 

NESBIT (E.) (Mrs. Hubert Bland.) 
LEAVES OF LIFE : Verses. Cr. 8vo. 55. 
LAYS AND LEGENDS. First Series. 
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35. 6d. Second Series. With Portrait. 
Cr. 8vo. 55. 
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NEWMAN (Cardinal). 

APOLOGIA PRO VITA SUA. Cabinet 
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Cr. 8vo. 35. 6d. 

DISCOURSES TO MIXED CONGRE- 
GATIONS. Cabinet Edition. Cr. 8vo. 
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SERMONS ON VARIOUS OCCASIONS. 
Cabinet Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. Cheap 
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THE IDEA OF A UNIVERSITY 
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Cabinet Edition. Cr. 8vo. 75. Cheap 
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HISTORICAL SKETCHES. 3 vols. 
Cabinet Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. each. 
Cheap Edition. 3 vols. 35. 6d. each. 

THE ARIANS OF THE FOURTH 
CENTURY. Cabinet Edition. Cr. Svo. 
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SELECT TREATISES OF ST. ATHA- 
NASIUS in Controversy with the Arians. 
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DISCUSSIONS AND ARGUMENTS 
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AN ESSAY ON THE DEVELOPMENT 
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[Continued on next page. 



18 



A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE 



NEWMAN (Cardinal) continued. 

ESSAYS ON BIBLICAL AND ON 
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Cabinet Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. Cheap 
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TRACTS, i. Dissertatiunculae. 2. On the 
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mula. 6. Ordo de Tempore. 7. Douay 
Version of Scripture. Cr. 8vo. 8s. 

AN ESSAY IN AID OF A GRAMMAR 
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33. 6d. 

PRESENT POSITION OF CATHOLICS 
IN ENGLAND. Cabinet Edition. Cr. 
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3 s. 6d. 

CALLISTA : a Tale of the Third Century. 
Cabinet Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. Cheap 
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LOSS AND GAIN: a Tale. Cabinet 
Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. Cheap Edition. 
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THE DREAM OF GERONTIUS. i6mo. 
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VERSES ON VARIOUS OCCASIONS. 
Cabinet Edition. Cr. 8vo. 6s. Cheap 
Edition. Cr. 8vo. 35. 6d. 

FABULAE QUAEDAM EX TERENTIO 
ET PL A UTO AD US UM PUEROR UM 
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representation. Cardinal Newman's Edi- 
tion. Cr. 8vo. 6s. 

*,* For Cardinal Newman's other Works 
see Messrs. Longmans and Co.'s Cata- 
logue of Church of England Theological 
Works. 

NORTON (Charles L.). 

A HANDBOOK OF FLORIDA. With 
49 Maps and Plans. Fcp. 8vo. 55. 

O'BRIEN (William, M.P.). 

WHEN WE WERE BOYS: a Novel. 
Cr. 8vo. 2s. 6d. 

OLIPHANT (Mrs.). 

'MADAM. Cr. 8vo. is. boards, is. 6d. cloth. 
INTRUST. Cr. 8vo. is. boards, is. 6d. cl. 

OMAN (C. W. C., M.A., F.S.A.). 
A HISTORY OF GREECE FROM THE 
EARLIEST TIMES TO THE MACE- 
DONIAN CONQUEST. With Maps 
and Plans. Cr. 8vo. 45. 6d. 

PARKES (Sir Henry, G.C.M.G.). 
FIFTY YEARS IN THE MAKING OF 
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PAUL (Hermann). 

PRINCIPLES OF THE HISTORY OF 
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PAYN (James). 

THE LUCK OF THE DARRELLS. 

Cr. 8vo. is. boards, is. 6d. cloth. 
THICKER THAN WATER. Cr. 8vo. 
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PERRING (Sir Philip). 
HARD KNOTS IN SHAKESPEARE- 

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THE 'WORKS AND DAYS' OF 
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PHILLIPPS-WOLLEY (C.). 

SNAP : a Legend of the Lone Mountain. 
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POLE (W., F.R.S.). 

THE THEORY OF THE MODERN 
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POOLE (W. H. and Mrs.). 

COOKERY FOR THE DIABETIC. 
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25. 6d. 

PRAEGER (Ferdinand). 

WAGNER AS I KNEW HIM. Cr. Svo. 
75. 6d. 

PRATT (A. E., F.R.G.S.). 

TO THE SNOWS OF TIBET THROUGH 
CHINA. With 33 Illustrations and a 
Map. Svo. 1 8s. 

PRENDERGAST (John P.). 
IRELAND, FROM THE RESTORA- 
TION TO THE REVOLUTION, 
1660-1690. Svo. 55. 

PROCTOR (Richard A.). 

OLD AND NEW ASTRONOMY. By 

RICHARD A. PROCTOR and A. COWPER 

RAN YARD. With 31 Plates and 472 

Woodcuts. 4to. 365. 
THE ORBS AROUND US : a Series of 

Essays on the Moon and Planets, Meteors 

and Comets. With Chart and Diagrams. 

Cr. Svo. 55. 
OTHER WORLDS THAN OURS: The 

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Light of Recent Scientific Researches. 

With 14 Illustrations. Cr. Svo. 55. 

Silver Library Edition. Cr. Svo. 35. (>d. 
[Continued on next page. 



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PROCTOR (Richard PL.) continued. 

THE MOON : her Motions, Aspects, 
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UNIVERSE OF STARS : Presenting 
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LARGER STAR ATLAS for the Library. 
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LIGHT SCIENCE FOR LEISURE 
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CHANCE AND LUCK: a Discussion of 
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STUDIES OF VENUS-TRANSITS. 
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HOW TO PLAY WHIST: WITH THE 
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HOME WHIST : an Easy Guide to Cor- 
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STAR PRIMER. Showing the Starry Sky 
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STRENGTH AND HAPPINESS. With 
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STRENGTH: How to get Strong and 
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ROUGH WAYS MADE SMOOTH. 
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PLEASANT WAYS IN SCIENCE. Cr. 
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MYTHS AND MARVELS OF ASTRO- 
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NATURE STUDIES. By R. A. PROCTOR, 
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TOR, E. CLODD, A. WILSON, T. FOSTER, 
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RANSOME (Cyril, M.A.). 

THE RISE OF CONSTITUTIONAL GO- 
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RAWLINSON (George, M.A., Canon of 

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THE HISTORY OF PHOENICIA. With 
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READER (Emily E.). 

VOICES FROM FLOWER-LAND: a 
Birthday Book and Language of Flowers. 
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cloth, zs. 6d. ; vegetable vellum, 3s. 6d. 

RIBOT (Th.). 

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ATTENTION. 
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RICH (A.). 

A DICTIONARY OF ROMAN AND 
GREEK ANTIQUITIES. With 2000 
Woodcuts. Cr. 8vo. 75. 6d. 

RICHARDSON (Dr. B. W.). 

NATIONAL HEALTH. Abridged from 
' The Health of Nations '. A Review of 
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Cr. 45. 6d. 

RILEY (Athelstan, M.A., F.R.G.S.). 
ATHOS : or, the Mountain of the Monks. 
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RILEY (James Whitcomb). 
OLD-FASHIONED ROSES : Poems. 
I2mo. 55. 

RIVERS (Thomas and T. F.). 

THE MINIATURE FRUIT GARDEN: 
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RIVERS (Thomas). 

THE ROSE AMATEUR'S GUIDE. 
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ROBERTSON (A.). 

THE KIDNAPPED SQUATTER, and 
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A CATALOGUE OF BOOK'S JN GENERAL LITERATURE 



ROGET (John Lewis). 
A HISTORY OF THE 'OLD WATER- 
COLOUR' SOCIETY (now the Royal 
Society of Painters in Water-Colours). 
With Biographical Notices of its Older 
and all its Deceased Members and Asso- 
ciates. 2 vols. Royal 8vo. 425. 

ROGET (Peter M.). 
.THESAURUS OF ENGLISH WORDS 
AND PHRASES. Classified and Ar- 
ranged so as to Facilitate the Expression 
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Author's Son, JOHN LEWIS ROGET. Cr. 
8vo. IDS. 6d. 

ROMANES (George John, M.A., LL.D., 

F.R.S.). 

DARWIN, AND AFTER DARWIN: 
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tions. Cr. 8vo. IDS. 6d. 

RONALDS (A.). 

THE FLY-FISHER'S ENTOMOLOGY. 
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ROSSETTI (Maria Francesca). 
A SHADOW OF DANTE : being an 
Essay towards studying Himself, his 
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trations. Cr. 8vo. IQS. 6d. 

ROUND (J. H., M.A.). 
GEOFFREY DE MANDEVILLE : a 
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RUSSELL (Earl). 

A LIFE OF LORD yOHN RUSSELL 
(EARL RUSSELL, K.G.). By SPENCER 
WALPOLE. With 2 Portraits. 2 vols. 
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8vo. I2S. 

SEEBOHM (Frederic). 

THE OXFORD REFORMERS JOHN 
COLET, ERASMUS AND THOMAS 
MORE : a History of their Fellow- Work. 
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THE ENGLISH VILLAGE COMMU- 
NITY Examined in its Relations to the 
Manorial and Tribal Systems, &c. 13 
Maps and Plates. 8vo. i6s. 

THE ERA OF THE PROTESTANT 
REVOLUTION. With Map. Fcp. 8vo. 
2s. 6d. 



SEWELL (Elizabeth M.). 
AMY HERBERT. 
THE EARL'S DAUGHTER. 
THE EXPERIENCE OF LIFE. 
A GLIMPSE OF THE WORLD. 
CLEVE HALL. 
KATHARINE ASH TON. 
MARGARET PER CIV A L. 
LANETON PARSONAGE. 
URS ULA . GERTRL IDE. 
IVORS. HOME LIFE. 

AFTER LIFE. 

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SHAKESPEARE. 

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OUTLINES OF THE LIFE OF 
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i " 

A CALENDAR OF THE HALLIWELL- 
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8vo. IDS. 6d. 

THE SHAKESPEARE BIRTHDAY 
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is. 6d. cloth. With Photographs. 321110. 
55. Drawing-Room Edition, with Photo- 
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SHERBROOKE (Viscount). 
LIFE AND LETTERS OF THE RIGHT 
HON. ROBERT LOWE, VISCOUNT 
SHERBROOKE, G.C.B., together with 
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COAPE SHERBROOKE, G.C.B. By A. 
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SHIRRES (L. P.). 

AN ANALYSIS OF THE IDEAS OF 
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SIDGWICK (Alfred). 

DISTINCTION: and the Criticism of 
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SILVER LIBRARY (THE). Cr. 8vo. 

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Baker's (Sir 8. W.) Eight Years in Ceylon. 
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Baring-Gould's (Rev. 8.) Curious Myths of the 
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Baring-Gould's (Rev. S.) Origin and Develop- 
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[Continued on next page. 



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SILVER LIBRARY (THE)-<wi/inttf. 
Clodd's (E.) Story of Creation: a Plain Account 

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Hacleod's (H. D.) The Elements of Banking. 

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Marshman's (J. C.) Memoirs of Sir Henry 

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Newman's (Cardinal) Historical Sketches. 3 

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Newman's (Cardinal) Apologia Pro Vit& Sua. 

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Newman's (Cardinal) Callista : a Tale of the 

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Newman's (Cardinal) Loss and Gain : a Tale. 

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Newman's (Cardinal) Essays, Critical and 

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Newman's (Cardinal) An Essay on the 

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Newman's (Cardinal) The Arians of the 

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Newman's (Cardinal) Verses on Various 

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Newman's (Cardinal) The Present Position of 

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Newman's (Cardinal) Parochial and Plain 

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Newman's (Cardinal) Selection, adapted to the 

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Newman's (Cardinal) Difficulties felt by 

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Newman's (Cardinal) The Idea of a University 

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Newman's (Cardinal) Biblical and Ecclesias- 
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Newman's (Cardinal) Discussions and Argu- 
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[Continued on next page. 



A CATALOGUE OF BOOK'S IN GENERAL LITERATURE 



SILVER LIBRARY (THE) continued. 

Weyman's (Stanley J.) The House of the 
Wolf: a Romance. Cr. 8vo. y. 6d. 

Wood's (Rev. J. 0.) Petland Revisited. With 
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Wood's (Rev. J. G.) Strange Dwellings. With 
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Wood's (Rev. J. G.) Out of Doors, n Illustra- 
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SMITH (R. Bos worth). 

CARTHAGE AND THE CARTHA- 
GINIANS. With Maps, Plans, &c. Cr. 
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SOPHOCLES. Translated into English 
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Cr. 8vo. 8s. 6d. 

STEPHEN (Sir James). 
ESSAYS IN ECCLESIASTICAL BIO- 
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STEPHENS (H. Morse). 
A HISTORY OF THE FRENCH RE- 
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STEVENSON (Robert Louis). 

A CHILD'S GARDEN OF VERSES. 

Small Fcp. 8vo. 55. 
A CHILD'S GARLAND OF SONGS, 

Gathered from ' A Child's Garden of 

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STANFORD, Mus. Doc. 410. zs. sewed. 

35. 6d. cloth gilt. 
THE DYNAMITER. Fcp. Svo. is. sewed. 

is. 6d. cloth. 
STRANGE CASE OF DR. JEKYLL 

AND MR. HYDE. Fcp. Svo. is. sewed. 

is. 6d. cloth. 

STEVENSON (Robert Louis) and OS- 
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THE WRONG BOX. Cr. Svo. 35. 6d. 

STOCK (St. George). 

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'STONEHENGE'. 
THE DOG IN HEALTH AND DIS- 
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STRONG (Herbert A., M.A., LL.D.), 
LOGEMAN (Willem S.), and 
WHEELER (Benjamin Ide). 
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY 
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